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>From the issue dated September 8, 2000
http://chronicle.com/free/v47/i02/02b00701.htm

What Scholarship Reveals About Politics and Religion
By ALAN WOLFE

We've been hearing a lot recently about the potential impact of religious
groups on presidential politics. How will Al Gore's selection of an Orthodox
Jew as a running mate play out with the electorate? By choosing Dick Cheney
rather than Pennsylvania's Roman Catholic governor, Tom Ridge, or New York's
Catholic governor, George Pataki, did George W. Bush compromise his chance to
woo the Catholic vote? Will evangelical Christians find Bush's references to
Jesus Christ, or his proclamation of a "Jesus Day" in Texas, attractive? Will
supporters of the separation of church and state find such talk upsetting? The
answers are a lot more complicated than politicians and pundits seem to assume,
for the role that religion plays in politics no longer follows the patterns
established in the years after World War II.

In the 1950's and 1960's, American social scientists were strongly committed to
what was known as the "secularization thesis." The idea was put forth in one
way or another by sociologists as diverse as Talcott Parsons and the young
Peter L. Berger: As society became more modern, increasingly adhering to
rationality and efficiency, old-time religious fervor, belief in miracles, and
orthodoxy would begin to disappear. Religion would become, in effect, a
sociological marker. If we knew, for example, that a person was Jewish, we
would have a fairly good idea about his or her level of education (relatively
high), political views (relatively liberal), and preferred place of residence
(the suburbs).

The secularization thesis really did explain, throughout the 1950's and 1960's,
a good deal about religion. But as society changed, so did the ideas of social
scientists who were interested in how religion was actually practiced. A
seminal article in 1993 in the American Journal of Sociology, by the
sociologist R. Stephen Warner, pointed to what the author called a "new
paradigm for the sociological study of religion." Two features of that emerging
paradigm help explain the role religion is playing in the 2000 presidential
campaign. One is the idea that religion that demands strong ties of adherence
is not incompatible with modernity after all. The other is the notion,
associated with what is known as "rational-choice theory," that religion, even
its demanding forms, survives not because people need to be linked together
with groups, but because they wish to make their own decisions about the costs
and benefits associated with specific beliefs.

Consider, first, the Lieberman nomination. In the past, scholars often viewed
Jews, among all the religious groups in the United States, as the most
committed to modern ideals of equality and opportunity. It followed that Jews
would tend to be liberals and would vote in large numbers for the Democratic
Party. From the administrations of Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman through
those of John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, that was true. Jews were liberal out
of a strong conviction that Democrats stood for civil rights and tolerance,
while Republicans belonged to those country clubs, graduated from those
universities, and worked in those law firms that kept Jews out.

Crucial to the pattern of Jewish political liberalism was the assumption of
Jewish theological liberalism. It was considered as something of a given that
most American Jews would eventually assimilate, either by marrying non-Jews or
by joining Reform Jewish congregations that played down the specifics of faith.
Many Jews in the years after World War II did just that, confirming the
secularization thesis.

Yet these days, Jews in the United States do not automatically conform to
either political or theological liberalism. It continues to be true that Jews
vote in high numbers, but ever since the 1964 nomination of Barry Goldwater, a
conservative Republican whose grandfather was Jewish, Jews can no longer be
considered reflexive liberals. Many American Jews who previously viewed the
Democrats as the party of inclusion have reservations about its support for
affirmative action, which reminds them of the quotas that once kept Jews out of
universities. Some find support for Israel in the pro-defense policies of the
Republicans.

Along similar lines, Jews have not necessarily become more secular in the land
of American plenty. In scholarly writings about modernity, the assumption that
they would do so was premised on the idea that Orthodoxy, which was associated
with European ghettos and the early immigrant experience in the United States,
would disappear. Yet, far from disappearing, Orthodox Jews compose 10 percent
of American Jewry today, according to Samuel G. Freedman, a professor of
journalism at Columbia University and author of the just-published Jew vs. Jew:
The Struggle for the Soul of American Jewry. Today's scholars tell us that one
reason is that orthodoxy speaks to the needs of individuals who feel isolated
in the modern world. For example, Lynn Davidman, a sociologist at Brown
University, has looked at why some Jewish feminists have been attracted to
Orthodox Judaism, which has not traditionally treated women as equal to men. In
Tradition in a Rootless World: Women Turn to Orthodox Judaism, Davidman says
that some feminists become Orthodox because they find individual satisfaction
in being part of a religious movement with rich traditions and observances.
Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman's nomination confirms the findings of scholars working
in an era of postsecularization theory. Lieberman, like so many Jews, is a
Democrat. But, reflecting the political changes in American Jewry, he is also a
conservative Democrat, one who has questions about affirmative action and who
is willing to join forces with conservatives on moral and cultural issues.
Moreover, as an Orthodox Jew, Lieberman reflects the growing importance of
tradition among American Jews, including those traditions of devout observance
that, we were once told, would be left behind by modernity. That may suggest
that Jewish voters will not be swayed as a bloc by the Lieberman nomination,
but, like the senator himself, will make individual choices on the basis of
what they think candidates will offer them.

The findings of contemporary social scientists can also shed light on the
question of whether George W. Bush sacrificed the Catholic vote by choosing the
Protestant Dick Cheney as his running mate. In an earlier period, there was
such a thing as a Catholic vote. The University of Notre Dame historian John T.
McGreevy has shown, in a 1996 book, Parish Boundaries: The Catholic Encounter
With Race in the Twentieth-Century Urban North, that American Catholics, having
invested considerable sums in the construction of their churches and parochial
schools, remained connected to urban life throughout the 1940's and 1950's.
Hence, they tended to keep their ties to the Democratic political machines of
Chicago, Jersey City, or New York City. They were also less likely to attend
college than Jews and liberal Protestants -- and, when they did seek higher
education, less likely to go to the most prestigious universities. That, in
turn, meant that Catholics were slower to leave working-class occupations and
were, therefore, more likely to belong to unions whose members tended to vote
Democratic.

The sociologist Herbert Gans coined the term "urban villagers" to describe the
close-knit ties of Catholics who chose to remain in the cities. Gans's
ethnographic sociology treated urban Catholics empathetically, but not all
social scientists admired their communal proclivities. Authority and hierarchy,
rather than mobility and individual liberty, were seen as the crucial Catholic
values. Catholics were expected to follow the voting suggestions of their ward
bosses, just as they were expected to adhere to church doctrine.

If Jews have become less likely to identify automatically with political and
theological liberalism, Catholics have become less likely to remain tied to
urban parishes. As the 1970's unfolded, urban political machines and labor
unions, both of which sharply dropped in importance in American life, could no
longer be counted on to deliver the Catholic vote to the Democrats. As
Catholics moved to the suburbs, they became more likely to vote Republican;
indeed, Alfonse D'Amato, the New York Republican senator who left office in
1999, created something of a Catholic patronage machine in suburban Long
Island. The change in the nature of Catholic political allegiance is symbolized
by the contrasting careers of the former Chicago mayor Richard J. Daley and his
son William. The father's focus was on city politics; the son is chairman of
the Gore presidential campaign. National rather than local in his efforts,
inclusive rather than tribal, William Daley has left behind his roots in
Chicago Catholicism to become a behind-the-scenes power in the Democratic
Party.

The nature of religious authority among Catholics also changed drastically in
the aftermath of the 1960's. Humanae Vitae (1968), in which Pope Paul VI issued
pronouncements against birth control and reaffirmed the church's opposition to
abortion, became the key event. Faced with interpretations of doctrine at odds
with the realities of modern life, most American Catholics chose not to leave
the church, but to redefine their relationship to it. According to a 1993
Gallup poll, many American Catholics believed that birth control was acceptable
(84 percent); that divorced Catholics should be permitted by the church to
remarry (78 percent); that women ought to be ordained as priests (63 percent);
that opposition to abortion should be relaxed (58 percent); and that
homosexuality (44 percent) or sex outside marriage (50 percent) were not always
wrong. As sociologists like the Rev. Andrew M. Greeley concluded, American
Catholics had come to include within the category of "good Catholic" those
people whose behavior, in the eyes of the church in Rome, would define them as
sinners.

In her book last year, Catholic Identity: Balancing Reason, Faith, and Power,
the sociologist Michele Dillon shows that even political activists working to
counter the church's positions on gay rights or women's ordination tend to
consider themselves faithful Catholics. That notion -- that one can redefine
church teachings to suit one's own lifestyle -- offends conservative Catholics.
Yet they hold positions on capital punishment contrary to the church's
teachings on the sanctity of life, indirectly confirming the idea that one can
disagree with the church hierarchy and still consider oneself loyal to the
faith.

The most extreme form of dissatisfaction with the Catholic Church is to leave
it for another faith. One would think that recent Catholic immigrants to the
United States, just like the Irish and Italians before them, would adhere
strongly to church teaching. Yet the most dynamic development in religious life
in Latin America -- and hence among Latino immigrants to the United States --
is the rise of evangelical Protestantism.

Joseph Palacios, a Jesuit priest and sociologist, studied the phenomenon of
Catholic conversion to evangelical Protestantism among immigrants in Los
Angeles for his dissertation at the University of California at Berkeley. He
concluded that at least one factor encouraging conversion is the church's
position on birth control. Those willing to risk the dangers of immigration are
predisposed toward modern values in the first place. And when faced with a
choice between limiting family size to escape poverty and remaining within the
church, they opt for a new religion. Considering that Catholicism has defined
the religious identity of their families for centuries, and considering the
depth of their faith, that willingness to switch from one religion to another
is anything but a casual decision.

It seems clear, in short, that the political behavior of American Catholics no
longer reflects ideas about authority so prominent in the sociological
literature of a previous era. Far from obeying either political or church
officials, Catholics confirm today's rational-choice theory. They make up their
own minds. If Jews can choose to be Orthodox, Catholics can choose to be
theologically liberal. And, like other Americans, they cannot be counted on to
vote as a bloc, but as individuals evaluating candidates on the basis of
specific promises.

Will George W. Bush's public assertions of faith in Jesus Christ help him by
rallying the evangelical vote -- or hurt him among non-evangelicals? The new
scholarship on religion is suggestive here, too.

In the years after World War II, American Protestants were often divided by
scholars who studied them into two groups: high-church Episcopalians and
Congregationalists from the Northeast and low-church evangelicals from the
South and West. The former, it was generally believed, were more likely to be
liberal Republicans -- or even liberal Democrats -- while the latter were
viewed as potential recruits for a new conservative movement emphasizing such
social issues as prayer in schools and opposition to abortion.

The experience of the Bush family, formerly of Connecticut but now from Texas,
however, suggests a note of caution. Prescott Bush, the U.S. senator from
Connecticut, and his son George, the president, indeed conformed to the
tradition of high-church liberal Republicanism. George W. Bush, the governor,
encouraged by his wife, became a Methodist and appeals, with great success, to
Texas evangelicals, even as his talk of "compassionate conservatism" echoes the
Republican liberalism of his father and grandfather. Clearly, it is possible to
cross the frontlines of the Protestant split within one generation while
maintaining support from both sides.

One reason that divide can be crossed is that evangelical Protestants no longer
bear much resemblance to the group described by historians and sociologists a
generation ago. Richard Hofstadter's book Anti-Intellectualism in American Life
was published in 1963, when liberals began to fear the emergence of a "radical
right" hostile to cosmopolitan ideas, intolerant of dissent, and attracted to
racist slogans. For Hofstadter, fundamentalist Protestants, who fashioned the
forms of 20th-century conservative Protestantism that have influenced today's
evangelicals, represented the forces in American life that would resist
modernity and its accompanying cosmopolitanism. That assumption turned out to
be as incorrect as the ideas that Orthodox Jewry would disappear and that
Catholics would remain loyal to the Democratic Party.

Evangelical Protestants, for one thing, are no longer necessarily antimodern.
True, one can find support for such antiscientific ideas as creationism among
some evangelicals, but, like Jews and Catholics before them, many evangelicals
are upwardly mobile, increasingly suburban, and anxious to send their children
to selective colleges. With those sociological transformations have come
changes in political outlook. In a comprehensive survey of evangelical
attitudes toward politics, conducted in 1996, the University of North Carolina
at Chapel Hill sociologist Christian Smith found that any stereotypes of
evangelicals as dyed-in-the-wool opponents of modernity were incorrect. In his
book Christian America? What Evangelicals Really Want, published this year,
Smith says that two-thirds of the evangelicals surveyed did not want to
prohibit abortion completely, and only 20 percent believed that a woman's place
was in the home. Moreover, most evangelicals support the U.S. Constitution --
including its provisions on the separation of church and state. At a time when
evangelical leaders like the Rev. Pat Robertson call on Governor Bush not to
proceed with an execution, of Karla Faye Tucker in 1998, it becomes difficult
to assume that theologically conservative Protestants will necessarily adhere
to politically conservative positions.

Behind all of those changes in the nature of Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant
life lie new assumptions about how Americans experience faith. Religion no
longer functions, as an earlier generation of social scientists believed, to
bind the individual to the group; instead, religious denominations, to survive,
have to accommodate the needs and desires of individuals. Increasingly
skeptical of authority in general, Americans want to play a role in determining
what their faith means to them. That does not mean that religion has less of a
place in their lives; if anything, the United States has experienced a
religious revival that the social scientists of the postwar years could never
have predicted. But no matter how deep their faith commitments, Americans are
reluctant to allow their beliefs to determine their political outlook.

Thus, it makes increasingly little sense to talk about a Catholic vote or an
Episcopalian vote or a Jewish vote or an evangelical vote. The situation is far
too fluid for that.

These days, Americans ask of their religions and their politicians, "What have
you done for me lately?" All those in authority, whether their authority
derives from a mandate from heaven, a mandate from the electorate, or a mandate
from the Nielsen ratings, had better have an answer.

Alan Wolfe is director of the Center for Religion and American Public Life at
Boston College BOOKS MENTIONED IN THIS ESSAY

Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, by Richard Hofstadter (Alfred A. Knopf,
1963)

Catholic Identity: Balancing Reason, Faith, and Power, by Michele Dillon
(Cambridge University Press, 1999)

Christian America? What Evangelicals Really Want, by Christian Smith
(University of California Press, 2000)

Jew vs. Jew: The Struggle for the Soul of American Jewry, by Samuel G. Freedman
(Simon & Schuster, 2000)

Parish Boundaries: The Catholic Encounter With Race in the Twentieth-Century
Urban North, by John T. McGreevy (University of Chicago Press, 1996)

Tradition in a Rootless World: Women Turn to Orthodox Judaism, by Lynn Davidman
(University of California Press, 1991)

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