From: Jeff Gordon  <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Sun Sep 10, 2000 6:14am
Subject: PROMIS, War on Drugs, HUD, Land Grab, etc.
http://www.egroups.com/message/RMNEWS_DAILY_EMAILS/4169

Excerpted from:


http://www.newsmakingnews.com/catharvardmain.htm



V. CASE STUDY #1: GEORGE W. BUSH'S CONNECTION TO THE HARVARD ENDOWMENT.
Those who are awake live in a state of constant amazement.

   - The Buddha
The Harvard connections to the Bush family fortune through Harken
Energy were revealed by Joe Conason in Harper's Magazine (February
2000) Notes On A Native Son: The George W. Bush Story. Click to read
the article.

http://www.newsmakingnews.com/cathavardharpers2,00.htm   (URL:
(http://www.harpers.org/)


In his article, The Buying of the President 2000, Charles Lewis, at the
Center for Public Integrity, also noted Harvard's role in Bush's success in
the oil industry, adding new information on Harvard's possible role in
facilitating George W. Bush's sale of his Harken stock: Click to read the
article.


http://www.newsmakingnews.com/catharvardpubinteg.htm   (URL:
http://www.publicintegrity.org/)


VI. CASE STUDY #2: PUG WINOKUR AND HARVARD, HUD, THE   WAR ON DRUGS IN THE US
AND COLUMBIA


The reputation of a thousand years may be
determined by the conduct of one hour. - Japanese proverb


I met Mike Eisenson and Pug Winokur in the early 1990s   when my company was
performing financial advisory work   with respect to the   HUD related
housing investments of NHP, Inc. and NHP's mortgage banking subsidiary, WMF
Group, Inc. Their roles were members of the board and investors.


Some of my dealings with NHP -- and its opposition to community access to
technology and private equity capital---- have been described in the first
three parts of a four part series on one of my investments during that
period, Edgewood Technology Services. See "The Story of Edgewood Technology
Services -   or How I Lost $100 Million Discovering Who Makes Money Making
Sure the Popsicle Index Does Not Go Up"
(http://www.solari.com/action/articles/index.html ).


The Edgewood story tells of an opportunity missed to make education,
entrepreneur- ship and equity capital accessible at low cost to 63,000
communities in a manner that would benefit taxpayers, homeowners, communities
and pension fund beneficiaries and other large and small investors alike.


If ever there was a demonstration of why wealth is shifting to elites, this
intentional effort to use taxpayers resources to deny citizens access to
their own tools and knowledge was it.   HUD housing was my first experience
in seeing what I thought to be highly professional equity investors ensure
that harmful government policies were implemented to guarantee them capital
gains.   Harvard's capital gains, first on the sale of its interest in NHP in
1997, and then on the operation and sale of WMF, their HUD mortgage banking
operation,   were wonderful for Harvard and Pug Winokur's company Capricorn
Holdings.


However, it came at the cost of government policies harmful ---and
unnecessarily so---to both taxpayers, homeowners and communities. What was
most surprising to me was how much money taxpayers and homeowners had to lose
to satisfy the private housing industry's appetite for short term capital
gains, when alternative policies and business plans were available that could
have ensured success for all concerned.


A review of the Harvard Endowment's performance in 1997, when Harvard and Pug
Winokur's company Capricorn sold NHP, Inc., shows the highest capital gains
increase (22.1%) in the Harvard Endowment since 1986. Given Harvard's
description of its performance based compensation plan, the NHP sale would
have generated generous bonuses for Mike Eisenson and his group. Click to
view.   (URL: http://vpf-web.harvard.edu/factbook/99-00/page39.htm)   ).


As Capricorn is private no information is available as to what impact the
sale had for Pug and his partners individual compensation. Pug was also a
member of the board of Harvard Management during this period.   Since we have
no information as to whether Harvard is one of the investors funding Pug
Winokur's investment partnerships at Capricorn, we do not know if additional
profits flowed to Harvard or its affiliates through any investment they may
have in Pug's investment partnerships.


Each of the regulators overseeing these operations (i.e., HUD investments) on
behalf of taxpayers during this period, HUD Assistant Secretaries of
Housing/FHA Commissioners Nicolas Retsinas and William Apgar, held a position
at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government, in one case before service at HUD
and in one case after leaving HUD. The relationships and exchanges of
personnel among HUD, the Office of Management and Budget, which oversaw the
HUD policies closely, the Clinton Administration and Harvard were numerous.
Click to view HUD's website. URL: http://www.hud.gov)   Click to view the
OMB's website. URL: http://www.whitehouse.gov/OMB/


My surprise at Harvard's and Pug's conduct regarding their HUD investments
was nothing compared to my surprise at the attempts of the Department of
Justice (DOJ)   and HUD to seize back $4.7 billion of HUD loan sales from
Goldman Sachs and PNC, on a trumped up allegation that my company as
financial advisor had engaged in insider trading with these bidders. This
allegation had been found baseless by HUD's own auditors and was not
mechanically possible given the design of the loan sales bidding process.
Click to view the DOJ's web site.   URL: http://www.usdoj.gov/


This situation offered me the opportunity to learn about the growing DOJ and
HUD revenue generating enforcement operations through asset forfeiture and
civil money penalties associated with the War on Drugs in neighborhoods
financed and subsidized by HUD.


Pug Winokur through his position as Chairman of the board of directors of
DynCorp (Click. URL: http://www.dyncorp.com), played a leadership role in the
"War on Drugs" at the Department of Justice because --among other things --
DynCorp served as the lead contractor to the Department of Justice's Asset
Forfeiture Fund (Click. URL:
http://www.usdoj.gov/criminal/publicdocs/11-1asof/11-1asof.htm ).


This occurred while Pug was DnyCorp's Chairman and the lead investor.
DynCorp has a $600 million government contract to provide support to the War
on Drugs in Colombia, Peru and Bolivia. A year ago I attended a presentation
of three women from Bolivia, Columbia and Peru who had come with a
Philadelphia Women's group to meet with Congress to tell them the truth of
what was happening in the War on Drugs in these countries. I asked them many
questions about who got control of the land as they were moved off it by the
US financed and advised military.


Finally, one of the women asked me   how I understood so clearly what was
going on in their countries when I had never been there. My response: because
apparently the War on   Drugs and asset forfeiture process as it related to
land and real estate accumulation by private investors worked the same in
their countries as in mine.   That was before I learned that DynCorp was
doing the knowledge management for enforcement and forfeiture operations as
part of the War on Drugs in all four countries.


DynCorp had numerous contracts at DOJ. DynCorp had been one of the
contractors who assumed responsibility for the PROMIS case management system
at DOJ when the DOJ breached its contract with INSLAW. The use of Promis
software to access worldwide banking records--- bypassing most if not all
privacy laws--- is alleged to have given the intelligence and enforcement
agencies the power to stop most illegal drugs trafficking long ago. ( See the
fictional account in Black Money by Michael Thomas.)


If true, the Promis allegations raise powerful questions about the real
purpose behind the " War on Drugs" both in the US and Latin America. For more
on use of drugs and HUD investment and enforcement to promote ethnic
cleansing and real estate gentrification in the US, see my article "Former
Bush Assistant Secretary for HUD Reveals "Ethnic Cleansing" Connected to CIA
Drug Dealing in Los Angeles: Government Spends Millions in Campaign to
Silence Former Wall Street Banker, Cover Up Connections to Dark Alliance
Stories & CIA Inspector General Report on Drug Trafficking" in the May 1999
>From the Wilderness. (http://www.solari.com/action/articles/index.htm #Former
Bush Assistant Secretary)


All of Congressional and Administration failure to keep their promises to
hold open hearings on the CIA's Inspector General's own admissions of drug
trafficking in 1998 underscore the challenge before us to face how the money
really works on some of America's most profitable businesses---drug
trafficking, money laundering and arms trafficking. The Reagan-Bush
Administration was systematically targeting homeowners and taxpayers to
finance covert operations during Iran-Contra.


The Promis allegations also raise powerful questions about who is accessing
the HUD databases and systems and for what purpose as well as whether or not
the Privacy Act is respected. As disturbing, is the question of what other
government agencies are being accessed and by whom.


Finally, the Promis allegations raise serious questions about   the
transactional and ethical integrity of the global banking and financial
system.   (Click to read the Electronic Freedom Foundation's Archive re:
Inslaw.   URL: http://www.eff.org/pub/Legal/Cases/INSLAW/ ).


Lastly, It also raises whole new questions about Executive Order 12333 and
the shift during the Reagan and Bush years of our national security
intelligence infrastructure and technology into private hands through
government contracting with firms such as DynCorp, as part of the events that
have come to be referred to as "Iran-Contra." (For a review of some of these
events, see the Solari chronology at
http://www.solari.com/action/chronology.html ).


CONTINUES..............


http://www.newsmakingnews.com/catharvardmain.htm
http://www.newsmakingnews.com/catharvardpugdd.htm


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