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From: "Rich Martin" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: A Century of Failed School Reforms, by Diane Ravitch
Date: Sunday, September 03, 2000 5:06 AM

                  From the Home of Rich & Peggy Martin

       Grand Prairie, TX 75050                   [EMAIL PROTECTED]

           It's nice to be important, but it's important to be nice.
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                      INTRODUCTORY COMMENTARY

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 Copyright 2000 National Review
 National Review

 September 11, 2000
 _________________________

 Copyright 2000 National Review
 National Review

 September 11, 2000

 SECTION: Books, Arts & Manners; Vol LII, No. 17

 LENGTH: 1590 words

 HEADLINE: They'll Never Learn

 BYLINE: Carol Iannone

 BODY: Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, by Diane Ravitch
 (Simon & Schuster, 555 pp., $30)

 In Vladimir Nabokov's Lolita, the execrable pedophile Humbert Humbert
 visits the school his stepdaughter is to attend and learns of its
 educational philosophy: "We are not so much concerned . . . with
 having our students become bookworms," the headmistress lectures him
 authoritatively, "or be able to reel off all the capitals of Europe
 which nobody knows anyway, or learn by heart the dates of forgotten
 battles. What we are concerned with is the adjustment of the child to
 group life. This is why we stress the four D's: Dramatics, Dance,
 Debating, and Dating."

 If you thought such outlandish pedagogical notions could only be the
 product of satirical fantasy, you will find Diane Ravitch's
 invaluable new book, Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms,
 most enlightening. Ravitch is the distinguished educationist who
 helped ignite the debate about declining school standards while
 serving in the Department of Education during the Bush
 administration. In her new book she documents the history of the
 progressive movement in American education that began in the 1890s
 and continues in the present, as well as the noble battle fought
 against it throughout the century by stalwart traditionalists. She
 presents her story mainly by sketching out t textbooks had
 practically to be pried out of the cold, dead hands of educators
 determined to continue with their subject matter in violation of the
 new dictates being advanced by various educational commissions.

 But over time the progressives succeeded in injecting a lot of
 low-level, extra-academic fluff into the curriculum, especially in
 the nonacademic tracks; in diluting solid book-learning in favor of
 learning based on experience, activity, entertainment, and students'
 (often self-professed) "needs"; in condemning many young people to
 narrow vocationalism; and in seriously diminishing the ability of
 public schools to provide a good basic education in an orderly and
 disciplined environment, especially to the poor black children who
 needed it most. Furthermore, as the century advanced, there were
 fewer and fewer teachers sufficiently trained in the older models to
 be able to resist.

 Things got much worse when, atop this rampant anti-intellectualism,
 the Sixties inflicted its "liberationist, pseudorevolutionary
 consciousness," its demand for "open education" focused on creativity
 and spontaneity, and its denigration of authority and morality.
 Schools lost the residual discipline and rigor that had persisted
 despite the progressive movement, and became disordered, dangerous,
 and dirty.

 By the 1980s, the decline of required core curricula and the
 proliferation of electives on the secondary level meant a diminished
 education for just about everyone. One extensive study revealed that
 in the average school, students had only three hours each day of
 instructional time, the rest being devoted to nonacademic activities.
 Course credit was given for cheerleading, student government,
 yearbook, and "mass media." In California the only statewide
 requirement for high-school graduation was two years of physical
 education, and students were taking such subjects as homemaking,
 restaurant management, "food for singles," and "exploring childhood."

 Since the publication of the landmark study A Nation at Risk in 1983,
 there has been some improvement, but the battle remains decidedly
 uphill. "Whole language" reading instruction continues despite a
 consensus that phonics instruction is needed in the early stages of
 the reading process. Efforts to establish standards for various
 subjects have faltered against the hard core of progressivism that
 remains, the rise of recent intellectual developments such as
 postmodernism, deconstruction, and relativism, and the proliferation
 of anti-Western and anti-American attitudes among the education
 elites.

 Towards the end of the book, Ravitch diplomatically grants the
 progressives some due, but from much of her discussion it would seem
 that America's children would have been better off if the
 progressives had been given their own island in the remote Pacific.
 At different times they argued not only against subject matter, but
 against homework, tests, grades, and any kind of instruction
 whatsoever. The dreadful John Dewey, whose ideas, like those of Karl
 Marx, were supposedly always being misunderstood or misapplied,
 believed that the importance of reading would decline in the
 technological age and recommended postponing reading instruction
 until age eight. John Holt, author of the influential book How
 Children Fail (1964), wrote that children should learn only what they
 want to know, as much or as little. The few contributions the
 progressives did make, like the use of movable desks and field trips
 or the creation of more cheerful classrooms, do not seem worth the
 price. (Indeed, the toy-like, cartoonish nature of school supplies
 available today, as well as the distressingly informal dress of most
 schoolchildren, leads one to believe that classrooms have become
 entirely too cheerful.) But Ravitch wisely cautions against
 polarizing the debate between progressives and traditionalists.
 Instead she counsels taking the best from both, dropping the
 extraneous social-engineering projects the schools have taken on, and
 getting down to the business of ensuring that "nearly all . . .
 pupils gain literacy and numeracy, as well as a good understanding of
 history and the sciences, literature, and a foreign language." She
 insists also that schools must spurn value-free relativism and "teach
 children the importance of honesty, personal responsibility,
 intellectual curiosity, industry, kindness, empathy, and courage."

 Ravitch's overall recommendations are excellent, but some questions
 arise. She argues, for example, that an academic curriculum should be
 provided to all students. Is vocational and commercial training such
 a bad idea, however, as long as it is voluntary and embedded in a
 program that includes solid academic courses? Similarly, Ravitch
 rightly disdains IQ testing that condemns a child to a substandard
 education, though she does accept "ability grouping," arguing that
 such grouping need only affect the "pace" of instruction, not the
 "quality." But surely at some point the slower pace would have to
 affect qualitative achievement.

 Likewise, Ravitch refrains from endorsing old-fashioned methods like
 recitation and memorization, but perhaps a measure of the dreaded
 "rote learning" might actually pack more into the regular school day
 and offer balance to the freer forms of instruction currently in use.

 A final point concerns multiculturalism. Ravitch disdains
 ethnic-particularist models like Afrocentrism, but favors
 cultural-pluralist models in which students learn about many
 cultures. Ravitch certainly earned her stripes a decade ago in her
 battle with the Afro-centrists (in which she was branded a
 "sophisticated Texas Jew" by the infamous Leonard Jeffries). But it
 may be time to recognize that the "good" forms of multiculturalism
 have become the moderate front by which "bad" multiculturalism with
 its underlying political agenda have taken over our schools. Even the
 pluralist model is used to promote the idea that all cultures are
 equal and that our own culture is of no special historical importance.

 But such questions are only testimony to Diane Ravitch's continuing
 importance to the education debates. Her artful recounting of the
 history and consequences of the reform movement in America's schools
 adds incalculably to our understanding of the present state of
 education, and is a contribution that only a scholar of Ravitch's
 stature could have made.

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