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Date: Sat, 16 Sep 2000 19:21:00 -0700
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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Subject: SNET: The UN Wants World Government

->  SNETNEWS  Mailing List

    On Sept. 12, 2000 the Virginia Taxpayers Association issued a news
release declaring that "in ordering Virginia to celebrate United Nations Day,
Gov. Jim Gilmore is pushing us into world government."

    At the time the release was prepared in advance for U. S. mail
distribution, the VTA had in its possession a working draft of a declaration
to be taken up by the United Nations Millennium Assembly and Summit Sept. 6
to 8 in New York City.  The final Millennium Declaration had not been printed
in any newspaper and was not yet available to the association.

    The approved Millennium Declaration did add a few paragraphs to the
original working draft considered by the VTA and also the words "sovereign
equality" but not the word "sovereignty".  The overall content of the
Declaration was not substantially changed.

    Following are two thoughtful analyses of the final Millennium Declaration
by independent experts showing that VTA's news release appraisal -- that
those in control of the UN do indeed want world government -- is correct.

    The analyses were published by the Sept. 15, 2000 issue of eco-logic
magazine, a leading independent journal informing the public of UN-related
activities.

                                        Kenneth White, President
                                        Virginia Taxpayers Association

9/16/00

================================================================


Friday,  September 15, 2000

indicates audio link        (M) indicates member section

Millennium Declaration legitimizes U.N. Global Governance Agenda

>From LifeSite

    The United Nations Millennium Summit, the largest gathering of world
leaders in history, concluded Friday and the final version of the Summit
Declaration has been released. The Declaration, a statement agreed to by a
vote of the vast majority of world leaders is regarded by the United Nations
as having "sketched out clear directions for adapting the Organization to its
role in the new century."

    "It lies in your power, and therefore is your responsibility, to reach
the goals that you have defined", declared U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan.
"Only you can determine whether the United Nations rises to the challenge.
For my part, I hereby re-dedicate myself, as from today, to carrying out your
mandate."

    For Annan to declare that the document is a production of the world
leaders themselves is a farce, since it was U.N. bureaucrats who drafted the
statement which remained essentially unchanged.

    U.N. expert Henry Lamb, of Sovereignty International and ECO told
LifeSite that although some suggest that the conference did nothing
significant, "the declaration has given the U.N. a mandate from the highest
political authority on earth, to go forward with its vision of global
governance as laid out in the declaration."

    Lamb noted that "prior to this meeting that agenda was illicit on the
part of the U.N. but now is approved."
The global governance agenda leads to the loss of sovereignty of individual
nations. The weakening of sovereignty is reflected in the document. Despite
pressure by various nations to include respect for sovereignty, the document
does not include the term, but rather mentions the ambiguous newspeak phrase
"We rededicate ourselves to support all efforts to uphold the sovereign
equality of all States."

    The management of all living species according to "sustainable
development" terms is retained in the document, but the language is tempered
by the term "prudence". "Prudence must be shown in the management of all
living species and natural resources, in accordance with the precepts of
sustainable development," it says.

    The majority vote in favour of the document is surprising since many of
the leaders appeared to contradict their nations' official policies on
important items in the document. The most glaring example of this is in the
case of U.S. President Bill Clinton. While the U.S. Congress is dead set
against U.N. treaties such as the International Criminal Court, Kyoto and
CEDAW, the U.S. is now officially a party to this declaration which says:

    "We resolve: To ensure the implementation, by States Parties, of treaties
in areas such as arms control and disarmament, and of international
humanitarian law and human rights law, and call upon all States to consider
signing and ratifying the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.
To make every effort to ensure the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol,
preferably by the tenth anniversary of the U.N.ited Nations Conference on
Environment and Development in 2002, and to embark on the required reduction
in emissions of greenhouse gases. To combat all forms of violence against
women and to implement the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women."

    One alarming proposal brought forward by the representative from Libya,
among others, was to increase the power of the General Assembly to supersede
the power of even the Security Council. Such a radical proposal is reflected
in the declaration as it states its resolve, "To reaffirm the central
position of the General Assembly as the chief deliberative, policy-making and
representative organ of the United Nations, and to enable it to play that
role effectively."

    Anna Halpine, a pro-life lobbyist at the United Nations and executive
director of the World Youth Alliance, told LifeSite that "it is increasingly
clear that the United Nations is moving to become a Parliament of Nations
with increasing legislative powers." Ms. Halpine, recently a senior assistant
to a European cabinet minister, noted that the U.N. would follow the path of
the EU which has "wrested more power from EU states with each successive
summit and treaty."

    Would such grandiose designs on removing power even from the Security
Council even be countenanced? The declaration calls for states "To intensify
our efforts to achieve a comprehensive reform of the Security Council in all
its aspects." An analysis of the Summit and its proposals by John R. Bolton,
former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization
Affairs under Bush, notes that with the Summit "Kofi Annan was staging
nothing less than a quiet coup d'etat against the authority of the five
permanent members of the Security Council." He also says that "perhaps even
more surprising, the United States and Britain were full supporters of the
coup, while Russia, France and China did not appear to take it seriously."

    The approved draft of the declaration concludes "the United Nations is
the indispensable common house of the entire human family, through which we
will seek to realize our universal aspirations for peace, cooperation and
development. We, therefore, pledge our unstinting support for these common
objectives, and our determination to achieve them."

    Many UN bureaucrats and their "civil society" allies have for years been
labouring on their private elitist agenda for the U.N. This agenda has as its
goal to radically transform the role and authority of the UN to replace what
is seen as an international disorder of far too independent-minded,
over-populated and socially unprogressive sovereign nations. There is,
therefore, a strong possibility that in voting for the summit document many
of the national leaders did not realize how the document would be interpreted
and implemented by others against their own nation's interests.

See the full declaration at: http://www.un.org/millennium/declaration/a55L2.ht
m
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September 11, 2000

Kofi Annan's quiet coup d'�tat
John R. Bolton National Post

    Last week's Millennium Summit in New York was certainly a magnificent
photo opportunity for politicians and their image-makers. Many observers
welcomed the spectacle in misty-eyed fashion as heralding (yet another) major
improvement in United Nations effectiveness; others have criticized the
gathering as little more than a hypocritical display of pious intentions,
unsupported by any sustainable, concrete accomplishments.

    Beneath these varying but fundamentally superficial analyses, however,
something else was at work in New York, largely undebated during the summit
speeches, and inadequately reported by the major media. In fact, in the
critically important area of peacekeeping, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan
was staging nothing less than a quiet coup d'�tat against the authority of
the five permanent members of the Security Council. Perhaps even more
surprising, the United States and Britain were full supporters of the coup,
while Russia, France and China did not appear to take it seriously.

    Both the Security Council and the summit endorsed recommendations on
peacekeeping from a group of Annan-appointed "experts" that could radically
expand the frequency, purpose and scope of UN peacekeeping operations,
increase the power of the UN Secretariat vis-�-vis the council, and
substantially increase the UN's peacekeeping personnel and resources.
Although the expert group's report is couched in intensely bureaucratic
prose, its ambitious and far-reaching implications are not hard to discern.

    Traditionally, United Nations peacekeeping has been successful where
three basic conditions were met: consent of the local parties to a dispute;
impartiality of UN forces deployed in the conflict zone; and use of military
force by UN personnel only in self defence. In the past several years,
advocates of a greater UN role have urged that some or all of these criteria
be weakened or jettisoned entirely, replaced by more "robust" rules of
engagement, thus permitting and even requiring far greater reliance on the
actual use of force by the UN than in previous missions.

    The agenda of these UN theorists (once hidden, but now fully out of the
closet) is to expand the overall importance of the United Nations, and also
to insert it into conflicts that do not constitute true threats to
"international peace and security," the only legitimate basis in the UN
Charter for the Security Council to authorize a UN role. (Indeed, in the past
decade, the most explosive growth in peacekeeping has been precisely in
intrastate conflicts.) By so doing, UN supporters hope to transfer greater
resources from member governments to the UN, thus justifying, piggy-back
fashion, even larger UN roles in the future in a self-perpetuating cycle.

    But expanding the concept of "peacekeeping" into "peace building" is far
from the logical or inevitable evolutionary path depicted by its supporters.
They complain, for example, that relying on the "consent" of the local
parties is too limited because those parties can "manipulate" consent. In
fact, however, such cases reflect circumstances where one or all the parties
to a conflict have not in fact truly given consent. They are not problems of
peacekeeping, military operations or doctrine, but of fundamental political
failure to reach actual agreement on ending a conflict. As such, they are
circumstances where the United Nations should not deploy a peacekeeping force
at all, not one where more "robust" rules of engagement will make a
perceptible difference.

    Equally troubling is the rejection of the traditional concept of
"impartiality," and substituting for it the gauzy idea that "impartiality"
means "adherence to the principles of the Charter" and to UN mandates rooted
in those principles. The UN experts argue that the UN is "morally compelled"
to use force where the local parties are not "moral equals." Calling this
approach "peacekeeping" is intellectually dishonest. The UN has had success
in restoring international peace and security between parties of varying
morality, and that is why it has been a useful instrument of international
policy. If the Secretary-General truly contemplates that the UN will be
picking white hats and black hats, he should say so explicitly, rather than
relying instead on distorting the "impartiality" principle.

    Finally, the Secretary-General and the Millennium Summit appear to be
rejecting what the experts call the "symbolic and non-threatening" force
structures of traditional peacekeeping in favor of "bigger forces, better
equipped and more costly" that will "pose a credible deterrent effect" with
"robust rules of engagement." What this really means, however, is that the UN
now wants to wage small wars (small, "moral" wars, of course). One cannot
talk about the use of force, even for "moral" purposes without being prepared
for retaliation, either against the UN or against other parties to the
conflict. This involves combat, and it most assuredly will involve
casualties. This is war, not peacekeeping.

    In short, the Secretary-General's new approach to peacekeeping is so
intellectually muddled and so badly flawed operationally that it virtually
guarantees trouble if anyone actually believes the summit's final declaration
is anything more than flowery rhetoric. The United States Congress has
already begun to look very carefully at the implications of the summit's
activities. Even if the new doctrines of "peacekeeping" were hardly debated
at all in New York, the real debate in Washington is just starting.

John R. Bolton is senior vice president of the American Enterprise Institute.
During the Bush administration, he served as the Assistant Secretary of State
for International Organization Affairs.


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