-Caveat Lector-

Gore condoned Russian mafia?

Report blames VP for Moscow relationship with U.S. 'in tatters'

By Charles Thompson and Tony Hays
� 2000 WorldNetDaily.com

http://www.worldnetdaily.com/bluesky_exnews/20001002_xex_gore_condone.shtml


A pandemic of money laundering, prostitution, immigration fraud,
murder, arson, arms dealing and other criminal activities by the
Russian mob -- which has invaded 29 countries and 17 U.S. cities
-- would probably never have occurred on such a frightening scale
without the tacit approval of high-ranking U.S. officials,
including President Bill Clinton, Vice President Al Gore and
Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott, according to
congressional and law enforcement sources.

The rise of the Russian mob has been meteoric since the
dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. According to law
enforcement experts, the mob, which has looted the Russian
treasury with the help of top government officials, spends up to
50 percent of its profits for bribes and other forms of
corruption as a normal business expense. By contrast, the Italian
mob considers 6 to 10 percent to be more than adequate, and the
Colombians draw the line at 25 percent. Since the Russian mob
annually generates about $10 billion a year in profits in
America, up to $5 billion is available for corruption.

U.S. law enforcement officers also describe the Russians as being
more prone to violence than the Italians or the Colombians. The
Russians are more likely than any other criminal organization to
murder a witness in a criminal court case or even to gun down a
judge. The Russians think nothing of flying a hit man from Moscow
to New York to carry out a contract murder and then jet home that
very same day using another passport.

While there is no evidence that Clinton, Gore or Talbott took
bribes from the Russian mob, there is abundant evidence to show
that they adopted the position that it was critical to maintain
normal relations with Russia while ignoring wholesale and
ever-increasing corruption in Russia and a crime wave rapidly
proliferating around the world. A recently released 209-page
report by a dozen senior Republican House members under the
direction of Rep. Chris Cox of California, takes direct aim at
Gore's stewardship of policy on Russia over the past eight years.

"After tens of billions of dollars and eight years of
mismanagement by the Clinton administration, the U.S.-Russian
relationship is in tatters, characterized by growing hostility
and divergent perceptions of international realities and
intentions," according to the report entitled "Russia's Road to
Corruption." Clinton put Gore in charge of Russian policy in
1993.

The report went on to say that the Clinton administration's close
identification with corrupt Russian officials has badly tarnished
America's reputation in Russia and set back U.S.-Russian
relations by at least a decade. The Democrats quickly called
foul.

"This is a partisan report not worth the taxpayer-provided paper
it's written on," Gore spokesman Douglas Hattaway said. (This was
the same Douglas Hattaway who has spent considerable time
recently trying to convince Tennessee media outlets not to cover
WorldNetDaily's series, "Tennessee Underworld," which documents
allegations of political corruption involving Al Gore and his
family, close friends and supporters.)

Hattaway's condemnation of the House report was predictable, but
untenable. The Clinton-Gore administration had been forewarned a
year ago by a number of respected journalists, including David
Ignatius of the Washington Post and Michael Waller of Insight
magazine, that Gore would be held accountable for how much he
knew about the looting of Russia by organized crime, and why
didn't he do more to stop it.

"From the beginning," Waller wrote, "the Clinton administration
was well aware of the Russian government's involvement with
organized crime, but punished those who dared point it out."

Last year, front pages across the country were plastered with
stories concerning the fact that a massive criminal investigation
had been launched to determine how hundreds of millions of
dollars of Russian mob money, including diverted international
aid funds and U.S. loan money, had been laundered through the
Bank of New York. At that time, Washington Post reporter Ceci
Connolly wrote that the scandal would become a campaign issue for
Gore. Connolly predicted that questions would be raised on the
campaign trail over whether Gore had given too much support to a
Russian government known to be plagued by corruption. As chairman
of an ineffective commission on Russian-American relations with
former Russian Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin, Gore was ripe
for criticism.

According to intelligence sources, Chernomyrdin accumulated more
than $1 billion (some Russian journalists say as much as $5
billion) in personal assets from the systematic looting of Soviet
state treasury. This occurred during the same time that
Chernomyrdin shared leadership of the commission with Gore.

Former CIA officer Fritz Ermath told Congress last year that Gore
returned a 1997 U.S. intelligence report about Chernomyrdin's and
Yeltsin's corruption with a "barnyard" epithet scrawled across
the cover page.

"The sentiment ascribed to me was a fairly accurate description
of what I thought of that particular report," Gore told the
Boston Globe this summer. But Gore appended a
"the-dog-ate-my-homework" alibi, claiming he had not written the
word "bulls--t" on the CIA report.

"Somebody may have written it on my behalf," he said.

In addition to Chernomyrdin, the most important beneficiary of
illegal bribes and mob gratuities was none other than Russian
President Boris Yeltsin and his family. Swiss law enforcement
officials investigating Russian mob money-laundering activities
in their country recently revealed that Yeltsin and his two
daughters received credit cards with no spending limits from
Mabatex, a Swiss construction firm making vast renovations on the
Kremlin and hundreds of other lavish properties controlled by
Yeltsin. Mabetex also provided one million dollars in "pocket
money" for a Yeltsin family shopping spree in Hungary in 1994.

Yeltsin's favorite daughter, Tatyana Dyatchenko, blew $272,000 in
a single day. Tatyana was a key member of her father's inner
circle since 1996. She functioned as her father's gatekeeper. Her
husband, Alexei Dyachenko, was named by law enforcement and
banking officials as a key figure in several money-laundering
scandals. His name came up twice during a House hearing about the
Bank of New York last year.

Thomas Renyi, the bank's chief executive officer, confirmed that
Dyachenko held two accounts with the bank's branch in the Cayman
Islands. Dyachenko had earlier been investigated by Russian
authorities for falsifying documents and evading up to $40
million in Russian export taxes annually in an oil company
swindle.

Vice mayor facilitates gambling Yeltsin's chosen successor,
Vladimir Putin, a former KGB colonel, was tainted by scandal
involving the issuing of licenses to gambling casinos when he was
vice mayor of St. Petersburg in the early 1990s. Much like the
enigmatic and alcoholic Yeltsin, since becoming president this
year Putin has done little to stem corruption.

Gore's partner, Chernomyrdin, has been closely associated with a
notorious Russian "businessman" Grigory Loutchansky, who owns
five banks in Latvia allegedly controlling about $1.2 billion in
offshore accounts for Chernomyrdin.

In 1989, Loutchansky, who had served three years of a seven-year
sentence in a Soviet prison for corruption and embezzlement,
established an Austrian company, Nordex, with government funds.
In late 1993 and early 1994, U.S. intelligence agencies
reportedly intercepted Nordex communications which suggested that
Loutchansky's company was exporting nuclear bomb components to
North Korea and Iran.

According to a July 8, 1996, Time magazine article written by
S.C. Gwynne and Larry Gurwin, Nordex was also suspected of having
shipped mobile Scud missile launchers from North Korea to Saddam
Hussein in Iraq during the 1991 Gulf War. These launchers allowed
the Iraqis to kill and maim American troops, to conduct a terror
campaign against Israel and to delay the invasion of Iraq. Two
former CIA directors, John Deutch and James Woolsey, have
identified Nordex as tied to Russian criminal activity.

Al Gore's claim to being an expert on Russia rested largely on
the commission he co-chaired from 1993 to 1998 with Chernomyrdin.
The commission's stated function was assisting foreign business
people and companies who wanted to invest in Russia and to try to
bail them out if they ran afoul of bureaucrats or were victimized
by gun-toting gangsters. During the life of the commission, Gore
pointedly overlooked Chernomyrdin's reputation in Russia for
promoting corruption.

E. Wayne Merry, a senior diplomat at the American embassy in
Moscow from 1991-94, called the commission a failure in an op-ed
piece he wrote for The Wall Street Journal.

"The commission became an instrument to advance the political
career of the vice president. The commission served a similar
purpose for Mr. Chernomyrdin," Merry said. 'Home in a box'
American businessmen found out the hard way that they couldn't
count on the Gore-Chernomyrdin commission when they were muscled
and threatened with murder by the Russian mob. Take the case of
John Allen.

Allen, a Republican who had served in a number of key posts in
both Reagan administrations, was picked in 1995 by the late
Commerce Secretary Ron Brown to serve on the Gore-Chernomyrdin
commission. A South Carolina native who had graduated from the
Citadel and served in Vietnam as a Green Beret captain, Allen
operated a pharmaceutical business in Russia and was also
converting an anthrax biological warfare plant in the former
Soviet Republic of Kazakstan to a pharmaceutical factory. He was
one of the very few American businessmen making a go of it in
Russia.

But he was not destined to be a success story very long. Russia
had some antiquated pharmaceutical manufacturers, and after 1991
her normal suppliers, Poland, Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia, were
unwilling to take vastly devalued rubles in exchange for
prescription drugs or for the technology for making these drugs.
Allen was attempting to import American generic drugs, which had
already been tested and approved by the Federal Drug
Administration. The Russian officials insisted on conducting
their own tests and demanded bribes to speed them along.

"The standard price was $100,000 for clinical tests," Allen said.
When Allen told U.S. staff members working for Vice President
Gore about the pervasive bribery that was going on, they told
him, "Bring us the proof."

Allen also had a thriving 28-drugstore chain in Moscow run by
four Russian women, one of whose brother was an organized crime
member. Allen learned that the mob had strong-armed its way into
his business in 1997, and he made a personal fact-finding trip to
Moscow. He was confronted at his headquarters building by three
goons, who told his interpreter they were in charge and if Allen
didn't leave that they would send him "home in a box." While he
was arguing with these thugs, another trio of heavies arrived in
a BMW.

A burly gangster, dressed in a short leather jacket and jeans,
showed Allen his knuckles on one hand and informed Allen's
interpreter that he had just beaten somebody to a bloody pulp and
planned to do the same thing to Allen. Allen decided to retreat,
but before he did so, he jotted down the BMW's license plate,
descriptions of the gangsters and the names of potential
witnesses. As it turned out, the gangsters were very well known
by the Russian police.

The next day, Allen met with American embassy officials.

"Both Gore and Chernomyrdin said, 'Bring us evidence.' Well,
here's evidence," Allen told the U.S. officials. The officials
encouraged Allen to take his evidence to Gore. When he got back
to Washington in July 1997, he submitted his material to Dana
Marshall, who was a political adviser to Gore.

"Dana Marshall was very concerned, very compassionate about my
plight and promised to get back to me," Allen said. But Allen
never heard anything back from Marshall, Gore or anyone else
connected with the commission.

He also never received another invitation to attend a commission
meeting.

'Unwillling to do anything' "They wanted evidence, and I gave
them solid evidence, but they were unwilling to do anything,"
Allen said. "It was fairly obvious that Gore's people didn't want
to do anything about this. They only wanted to talk about
successes. The commission members repeatedly told us that the
White House only wanted to talk about 'deliverables' (success
stories). They didn't want bad news."

Marshall recently said he remembered the meeting with Allen, but
couldn't recall any of the details or what action if any the
commission took.

"I feel horrible about what happened to John," Marshall said
during a three-way conference call between John Allen and Charles
Thompson, one of the authors of this report. Allen was forced to
write off millions of dollars he lost after the mobsters
confiscated his drug stores. According to Allen, the U.S. State
and Defense Departments also permitted a former KGB colonel, an
active member of the Russian mafia, to occupy the anthrax
biological warfare plant, which Allen was converting to peaceful
purposes, and to ship containers of the deadly virus to the
Middle East. The U.S. government had set aside $10 million a year
to subsidize Russian scientists who formerly worked at the plant
to train them how to develop and manufacture pharmaceuticals.
After the mob took over Allen's plant, the largest such facility
of its kind in the world, the money disappeared and the
scientists vanished.

"They probably migrated to countries such as Libya, which support
worldwide terrorism, to build more biological warfare weapons,"
Allen said. Marshall confirmed what Allen related had indeed
happened, terming it "a real tragedy." Gore's reputation for
looking the other way when it concerned activities of celebrity
Russian mob figures grew by leaps and bounds among law
enforcement officials and knowledgeable journalists soon after he
posed for pictures with three Russian-born gangsters in 1994
during a swing to San Francisco to shore up Kathleen Brown's
faltering bid to become governor of California.

Only two years before this portrait taking, two of the men had
been painting sidewalk curbs for a living. However, since moving
to California in 1993, Andrei Kozlenok and David and Ashot
Shagirian had been living high on the hog. As revealed in a 1998
article by David Kaplan and Christian Caryl in U.S. News & World
Report, Kozlenok and Shagirian opened a diamond, gold and antique
jewelry center in San Francisco called Golden ADA and distributed
huge sums of cash to local, state and national politicians,
providing a $25,000 campaign contribution to Kathleen Brown. They
also forged close alliances with local law enforcement officials.

They gave the San Francisco Police Department a huge Russian
Kamov (Ka-32) military transport helicopter. Although the Russian
helicopter "belonged" to the police department, Golden ADA was
often allowed to fly it out to San Francisco International
Airport to bring back shipments of Siberian diamonds to its
downtown office. Using a helicopter with police markings had its
advantages, because it made U.S. Customs officials less inclined
to search the shipments for contraband.

These shipments included a half-billion dollars of treasure,
including thousands of diamonds (26,000 carats in all), antique
jewelry, including a priceless Faberge egg created for Czar
Nicholas II, and gold by the ton. Top officials in Moscow
authorized Golden ADA to reprocess this booty and sell it.

The FBI opened an investigation into the company soon after it
opened its doors. Kozlenok fled the U.S., was apprehended in
Athens and extradited to Moscow. David and Ashot Shagirian also
bolted. Ashot was deported to San Francisco from the Caribbean
and pleaded guilty in 1998, while David still is a fugitive. More
than $400 million in diamonds, gold and cash vanished before the
police moved in.

The picture and association with Golden ADA's "management team"
wasn't Al Gore's first or last encounter with men who corrupted
Russia and ripped off its national treasure. When he was a boy,
Gore became well acquainted with Armand Hammer, the chairman of
Occidental Petroleum Corp. Hammer, who died in 1990 at age 92,
had extensive business deals with the former Soviet Union for
more than 70 years. A vindictive man who abhorred publicity and
sued anyone who wrote unfavorably about him, Hammer mined
asbestos, drilled for oil, arranged lucrative fur deals,
trafficked in Czarist art and laundered millions for the KGB in
sham transactions. He also helped establish the Soviet Union's
overseas spy network. Lenin allegedly told Stalin that Hammer was
"a path to lead the American business world" to Russia.



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