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OP-ED | TV Towers
HOME
September 21, 2000
    A Tower Aflame:
Media, Metaphor and Revolution

By Ann-Britt Kaca
When the Moscow television tower burst into flames at the end of August, the
fire blacked out 10 million TV screens and made news all over the world. And so
did President Vladimir Putin's sinister comment: The fire at the Ostankino
tower is a metaphor for the state of the nation.

Metaphors, symbols and sayings are mighty mind-setters. They captivate our
minds and focus our attention to one main point, effectively excluding others.
Putin used the burning of the Ostankino television tower, once hailed as a
symbol of Soviet supremacy, as a metaphor for the desperate economic need of
Russia. The global media played along with this tune, once again showcasing
images of Russia's decay. But there is another largely untold story to be
extracted from Putin's metaphor: TV towers are more than symbols � indeed they
are very concrete centers of mind control, distributing the flow of information
and entertainment.

In Putin's Chechen war the TV tower in Grozny was recently a Russian target and
so were the Baltic TV towers during the events that finally lead to the
collapse of Communism. The battle over media and the role of underground and
international media preceding the final breakdown of communism in Central
Europe and the Baltics is a story that still needs to be told: It wasn't about
the free flow of capital, it was about the free flow of information.

It was one of those ironic twists of history. Putin, with the Ostankino tower
threatening to collapse into a heap of glowing steel and cables and with state
television mute, had to borrow air from the private broadcaster, NTV, with whom
he is involved in an escalating media war over intricate business transactions,
ownership and control of information.

The Ostankino tower was erected in 1967 to celebrate the 50th anniversary of
the Russian revolution. Higher than the Eiffel Tower and the Empire State
Building, it was then the world's tallest structure. Watching it burn,
surrounded by Russian soldiers, charged my memory, bringing back flickering
images of the Baltic TV towers surrounded by Soviet Black Berets, the feared
"special forces." I vividly recalled that the only armed clashes during the
upheavals that finally ended communist rule were over � and at the bases of �
television towers.

Who still remembers that the popular movements which overthrew governments and
changed the system began with a challenge against the sovereign media?
Media critique was a powerful current which ran through the Eastern European
and Baltic revolutions from the very beginning. Furious protests against
manipulative and dishonest media, demands for fair media access for
oppositional voices with different views representing other values than the
ruling, red bourgeois elite embraced.

Truth, Voice And Solidarity

In the Polish Solidarity's vocabulary, words like "dignity" and "truth" were
more than buzzwords. They referred to a corrupt totalitarian system of
economical disaster and decay in which the authorities and the media were
united in lies about the past (i.e. history), as well as about the present
reality � a society which forced its citizens to cheat and lie to make it
through the daily chase for trivial commodities like toilet paper, coffee and
cheese.

"The word truth appeared with the frequency of a punctuation mark in the
statements, graffiti and conversation of Solidarity," writes British historian
and journalist Timothy Garton Ash in his excellent book "The Polish Revolution:
Solidarnosc."

"We need truth as much as we need coal," said Solidarity leader Lech Walesa.
In the 1980s Solidarity opinion surveys in Poland, the demand for media that
did not lie came second only to the demand for freedom.

The complex role of media, the impact of symbols and propaganda in the broad
sense of distortions, buzzwords and silence, were fully understood by
generations of Poles. The communist "New Speak" was never as totally dominating
in Poland as it was in other Soviet bloc countries. There were independent
intellectuals who, from the 1970s on, simply started to print themselves what
the censorship forbade. And the church spoke a different language, heard by the
masses while in underground so-called "Flying Universities," a language
scholars and professors had for decades been teaching people in private flats.

Thesis 31 of the Polish Solidarity Program declared: "The very language of
propaganda, which damages the way we want to express thoughts and feelings, is
a dangerous tool of lies. The union will seek to give back to society the
Polish language, which allows people truly to understand each other."

When the communist regime decreed martial law in Poland, imposing curfews,
outlawing the Solidarity movement and forbidding meetings, tanks and armed
soldiers guarded the TV station.

Banned, with no visibility in any media, and with its members and supporters
scattered and prohibited from assembling, Solidarity as a movement had ceased
to exist. Solidarity supporters responded by going back to an old tradition:
symbolic public acts to fight the sense of isolation, to preserve the sense of
belonging, to keep the vision of a community with shared values visible.

In a symbolic act directed at the media control, citizens of Warsaw left their
homes when the state TV news went on the air and went in huge crowds into the
Lazienki Park for a silent mass walk under the trees, then vanished equally
silently back home when the broadcast was over. Schoolchildren removed the
electronic resistors from old radios and attached them as visible badges on
their clothes: "opur," or resistance.

It was time to go back to underground media, radio and magazines for uncensored
information. Pawel Lawinsky, then a journalist on the underground paper Wola
(Will), today a leading journalist for Adam Michnik's daily Gazeta Wyborcza,
told me about the first simple underground magazine: Gazeta Rozmova (The Talk
Magazine). As printing equipment was forbidden for private citizens, the
"magazine" was read aloud in churches by well-informed journalists. The hunger
for information was immense; the churches were packed.

Tomasz Jastrun, beloved underground journalist and poet, told me in an
interview about his greatest media experience from the first days of Martial
Law:

The monumental classical music on the state radio was suddenly interrupted by a
crackling announcement: "Attention! Attention! This is the Underground Radio
Solidarity! Ladies and Gentlemen, if you can hear us, please respond and
confirm by switching your lamps on and off!" With his hand on the switch in his
lonely hiding place, isolated from wife and son, Tomasz saw the lights in the
house opposite start twinkling, then lights down the block and the district,
and soon all of Warsaw was twinkling in the night.

During the eight years that Solidarity was banned, an underground kingdom of
over 1500 magazines was established. Every group in the society seemed to have
its own oppositional paper dealing with their issues: the taxi drivers, those
working on the railways, even the soldiers (those who opposed martial law). In
an interview for a media program for the Finnish Broadcasting Company, Tomasz
Jastrun told me the underground publishers translated Orwell, Milan Kundera,
Solzenitzin and other voices of rebellion. They published their own literature
for children and introduced the first Polish comic strips. They wrote "The
History of Solidarity," and distributed professional historians' research
accounts disputing the "official" history of Poland .

Tomasz Jastrun was one of the founders of the first Polish underground literary
magazine. He wrote poems and was � like everybody else � eager to record and
collect the testimonies and evidence of the nightmare they all were living. He
started to collect dreams. Wherever he went, whoever he met, he asked about
their dreams. His dream-collector's work was published in the French newspaper
Le Monde.

During those long eight years, the communist regime chased magazine canvassers,
printers and journalists with helicopters, special forces and soldiers. The
Underground Radio Solidarity carried their broadcast equipment from house to
house. When Solidarity was finally legalized in 1989 and free elections
permitted, the media issue was one of the last and most difficult conflicts to
settle. "I'd rather give you Zomo [the Riot Police], than one single TV
station," groaned Czeslaw Kiszczak, the communist general and Interior Minister
to the Solidarity negotiators.

The Tower Battles

In Lithuania crosses drawn on the TV tower still remind visitors of the lives
claimed in 1991 when the citizens of Vilnius, alerted by Lithuanian radio, went
out to defend their television tower against the Russian Special Forces.
Already retreating from Lithuania, the Forces turned around, drove up to the TV
tower and fired against the forewarned civilians who blocked the way with their
bodies. The citizens prevented the Black Berets from capturing the TV tower and
hence thwarted the Russian plan to regain control of TV broadcasts.

In Latvia, similar scenes were played live over CNN and on Scandinavian TV
stations one or two days later: The people of Riga running through their city
in a desperate race to reach the TV tower and surround it before the Russian
Black Berets arrived in their vehicles. The people succeeded, and in Riga, as
opposed to Vilnius, no lives were claimed.

Estonia, 1991: In the wake of the August drama in Moscow, when hard-core
communists tried to overthrow Michail Gorbachov, the Soviet Black Berets in
Estonia were ordered to take the Estonian TV tower. Tanks rolled out from the
barracks and onto the streets of Tallin, but here, too, the citizens were
alerted by the radio. In Tallin the armed forces stormed the TV tower and
advanced slowly towards the top floor where Estonian TV personnel were
barricaded with weapons and food for several days, devoted to defending their
TV. Finnish TV news correspondent Ulla-Maija M��tt�nen, who reported from the
scene, told me that she was in phone contact with Estonian TV leaders during
the whole drama. They persuaded her not to reveal that armed TV personnel were
hiding in the tower. She kept her word and didn't give them away on Finnish TV
news, which could be seen in Tallin. Mysteriously, the Black Berets did
retreat, on whose order nobody seemed to know.

In Estonia, as elsewhere, the fall of communism started with the media. TV
journalist Juhan Aarre blew the whistle on the environmental disaster caused by
phosphorus mines. This single TV report sparked off an environmental movement
which attacked the communist authorities for lies, neglect and ecological
havoc. A frenetic public "phosphorus war" ensued, which escalated into the
massive movement for social change and reform that was so poetically named "The
Singing Revolution."

And it was not just the story of the national media, but also of the
international media's role in the breakdown of Communism in Eastern Europe and
the Baltics that has gone too long untold. On my late-night TV talk show, "Caf�
Kafka," I asked Hain Rebas, the first Minister of Defense in the free Estonia,
about the new extended security policy after 1989 and the breakdown of
communism. I asked him about how far the free Estonia had come in building up a
national military defense. He grinned: "We have built up a defense that could
hold for about 4 days � or as long as it will take CNN to get in place."

"Yes, the CNN doctrine," smiled Bo Huldt , one of Sweden's leading experts on
security politics. In the wake of the dramatic events that ended communist rule
in Central Europe, the Baltics and the Soviet Union, the "CNN doctrine," or
"CNN factor," became a buzzword among security and defense professionals in the
fledging Baltic democracies and Scandinavia and also a popular topic of debate.
It refers to the sense that once CNN arrives, the U.S. network brings along the
eyes of the world as witnesses.

These memories, of Polish struggles for truth and history, of radio rallying
Baltic citizens to protect their national voices, of TV towers as symbols and
catalysts of revolution � this is what the Ostankino TV tower burning meant to
me. Not Putin's primitive metaphor for economic decay.

As for the power to shape metaphor: Who chose the crumbling Berlin Wall as the
icon and metaphor for the breakdown of communism and the end of the Cold War?
Wouldn't a TV tower in flames be more accurate? It wasn't about the free flow
of capital. It was about the free flow of information.

- Annn-Britt Kaca ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) is a TV journalist at the Finnish
Broadcasting Company. She covered the breakdown of communism in Central Europe
and the Baltics on television and radio.

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