-Caveat Lector-

Big business has us bang to rights
Corporations behave as if they are more human than we
are

George Monbiot
Thursday October 5, 2000
The Guardian

The location of the boundaries of our humanity is
perhaps the key moral question of our age. Whether a
test-tube baby should be selected so that his cells
can be used to save the life of his sister, whether
one conjoined twin should die so that another can
live, whether partial human embryos should be cloned
and reared for organ transplants confront us with
problems we have never faced before. Medical advances,
both wonderful and terrifying, are eroding the edges
of our identity.

The new Human Rights Act is intended to provide us
with some of the guidelines we need to help sort this
out. It insists that we have an inalienable right both
to life itself and to the freedoms without which that
life would be wretched. But while the rights it
guarantees have proved fairly easy to define, it is,
curiously, the concept of humanity which turns out to
be precarious.

Human beings, you might have thought, are animate,
bipedal creatures a bit like you and me. But the
lawyers would have it otherwise. Big companies might
not breathe or speak or eat (though they certainly
reproduce), but they are now using human rights laws
to claim legal protections and fundamental liberties.
As their humanity develops, so ours diminishes.

Last month, a quarrying company called Lafarge Redland
Aggregates took the Scottish environment minister to
court on the grounds that its human rights had been
breached. Article 6 of the European Convention
determines that human beings should be allowed a fair
hearing of cases in which they are involved "within a
reasonable time". Lafarge is insisting that the
results of the public inquiry into its plan to dig up
a mountain in South Harris have been unreasonably
delayed. The company, as the campaigning academic
Alastair McIntosh has argued, may have good reason to
complain, but to use human rights law to press its
case sets a frightening precedent.

It is a concept developed in the US. The 14th
amendment to the constitution was introduced in 1868
with the aim of extending to blacks the legal
protections enjoyed by whites: equality under the law,
the right to life, liberty and the enjoyment of
property. By 1896, a series of extraordinary rulings
by a corrupt, white and corporate-dominated judiciary
had succeeded in denying these rights to the black
people they were supposed to protect, while granting
them instead to corporations.

Though black people eventually reclaimed their legal
protections, corporate human rights were never
rescinded. Indeed, while they have progressively
extended the boundaries of their own humanity, the
companies have ensured that ours is ever more
restrained.

Firms in the US have argued that regulating their
advertisements or restricting their political
donations infringes their "human right" to "free
speech". They have insisted that their right to the
"peaceful enjoyment of possessions" should oblige
local authorities to grant them planning permission,
and prevent peaceful protesters from gathering on
their land.

At the same time, however, they have helped to ensure
that the "social, economic and cultural" rights, which
might have allowed us to challenge their dominance,
remain merely "aspirational". As the solicitor Daniel
Bennett has pointed out, article 13 of the European
Convention, by which we could have contested the
corporations' absolute control of fundamental
resources, has been deliberately excluded from our own
Human Rights Act.

The rise of corporate human rights has been
accompanied by an erosion of responsibilities. Limited
liability allows firms to shed their obligations
towards their creditors. Establishing subsidiaries -
regarded in law as separate entities - allows them to
shed their obligations towards the rest of us. And
while they can use human rights laws against us, we
can't use human rights laws against them, as they were
developed to constrain only the activities of states.
As far as the law goes, corporations are now more
human than we are.

The potential consequences are momentous. Governments
could find themselves unable to prevent the
advertising of tobacco, the dumping of toxic waste or
the export of arms to dictatorships. Yet in Britain
the public discussion of this issue has so far been
confined to the pages of the Stornoway Gazette.

The creatures we invented to serve us are taking over.
While we have been fretting about the power of
nanotechnology and artificial intelligence, our
domination by bodies we created but have lost the
means to control has already arrived. It is surely
inconceivable that we should grant human rights to
computers. Why then should they be enjoyed by
corporations?



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