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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

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 BLACK-GOLD BLUES
Experts: Clinton, Gore
caused oil to skyrocket
Iraq now 6th-largest exporter
of petroleum to United States

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By Kenneth R. Timmerman
� 2000 WorldNetDaily.com


Contradictory and self-serving policies led the Clinton-Gore administration
to cause the current skyrocketing oil prices, say Middle East and petroleum
industry analysts.

By interfering in the oil markets in 1998 when prices were perceived by some
to be too low, the administration put into motion the huge current run-up of
prices, according to Matthew Simmons, who has tracked oil prices for 30 years
as the head of a Houston-based investment bank, Simmons & Co. International.

As if that isn't enough, Simmons and others also believe the current Middle
East tensions could tempt Saddam Hussein -- who has become a major source of
oil for the U.S. -- to make a malevolent move, and soon.

At an Oct. 18 conference in New York sponsored by the Council on Foreign
Relations, the Energy Department's Director of Policy, Melanie Kenderdine,
described efforts she and Energy Secretary Bill Richardson made in late 1998
to get assistance from the president's National Economic Council when another
crisis gripped the oil industry -- not of prices too high, but too low.

At that time, world oil prices had plunged to historic lows of less than $10
per barrel, sending the world oil and gas industry into disarray.
Bankruptcies loomed on the horizon.

The crisis was sparked by the collapse of the Asian economies at a time when
OPEC had ramped up production to meet anticipated new demand. It was
aggravated by the sudden inflow into the market of nearly 2 million barrels
per day of Iraqi oil, released under the United Nations' oil-for-food
program, which was strongly supported by the administration.

By late 1998, said Kenderdine, Richardson and other top Energy officials were
seeking White House support for specific measures to help the U.S. oil and
gas industry.

Simmons met with Kenderdine in December 1998 as she was putting together a
white paper laying out possible strategies.

"Richardson and Melanie were fighting a war," Simmons recalls. "But it was a
war against the rest of the administration. [Vice President] Gore and
[Interior Secretary Bruce] Babbitt wanted the prices to stay down, as a spur
to the economy, while Richardson wanted higher prices to help the oil and gas
industry."

Richardson's arguments, says Simmons, fell on deaf ears at first, "because
Gore hates the oil and gas industry."

Then in February 1999, Richardson met with Saudi oil minister Ali Naimi in
Riyadh, asking the Saudis to cut production in order to boost prices. Why? As
Kenderdine told the Council on Foreign Relations in mid-October, part of
Richardson's message was to "describe to them how bad things were with $10
oil," says Simmons, who shared the podium with Kenderdine.

But there was another part of the message, Saudi sources told WorldNetDaily.
Richardson argued that low oil prices would drive Russia into default on its
international debt, since Russia derived a hefty share of its foreign
currency earnings from oil. And that was an outcome the U.S. administration
wanted to avoid.

Russia was Al Gore's department.

Since the early days of the Clinton administration, Gore had been put in
charge of U.S. relations with Russia, along with Deputy Secretary of State
Strobe Talbott, a former Time magazine correspondent.

Gore's failure to prevent Russian sales of conventional weapons to Iran was
blasted across the front page of the New York Times last month. Congress has
demanded that the State Department turn over a secret agreement, leaked to
the Washington Times, that Gore signed with Russian Premier Victor
Chernomyrdin, in which he promised not to impose U.S. sanctions on Russia for
arms sales to Iran, even though they were prohibited under a 1992 law that
Gore co-authored with Sen. John McCain.

Gore and Talbott also failed to prevent Russian sales of advanced technology
and components for Iran's latest ballistic missiles, the 800-mile-range
Shahab-3, which was successfully test-launched in July 1998. Russian
technicians have also been helping Iran design a 2,700-mile ICBM known as the
Kosar, based on the Soviet SS-5 design.

The market reacts
Richardson sent one of his top deputies, Assistant Secretary David L.
Goldwyn, on at least one additional swing through the Persian Gulf in early
1999, to convince OPEC producers once again to cut production and raise
prices. As the year wore on, the markets began to react. By the end of the
year, they had swung wildly in the opposite direction, with crude oil prices
rocketing from $10 per barrel to $26 by yearend, and more than $30 per barrel
by March.

"We never had an oil glut," Simmons contends. "When prices were at $10 per
barrel, we had a market that was relatively in balance and that would have
sorted itself out." Instead, OPEC cut production sharply at the prodding of
the Clinton administration.

For Middle East analyst Paul Michael Wihbey, a former vice president of
Canada's Federal Liberal Party who now writes for the Institute for Advanced
Strategic and Political Studies in Washington, D.C., the Clinton
administration's oil policy has shifted from support for low oil prices to
just the opposite, since it is driven by contradictory goals.

"The Clinton White House has an energy policy that is driven by 1) the
reduction of the American oil-producing sector, 2) the collaboration through
OPEC to raise or reduce production levels and pricing according to political
circumstances or personal goals, and 3) maintaining artificially high oil
prices, for as long as possible, to sustain oil-dependent economies like
Russia, Mexico and Indonesia, which permits the payoff of U.S. generated
loans."

'War with the White House'
Ironically, White House's rejection of pleas from Richardson to take
preventive measures to ward off the energy crisis occurred alongside a
growing U.S. dependence on Iraqi oil.

New estimates from the U.S. government's Energy Information Administration,
obtained by WorldNetDaily, show that Iraq has now become the United States'
sixth-largest source of imported oil.

But this new dependence could be a recipe for disaster should Iraq decide to
stop exporting oil, U.S. government oil analysts say.

"Based on Iraq's past history, the things they could do are quite scary.
Unlike other countries in the region, Iraq does not have to be rational," one
EIA analyst told WorldNetDaily.

"This is something no one wants to think about," another EIA analyst said.

"If Iraq decides to take its oil off the market, there is not enough excess
capacity anywhere else in the world to pick up the slack. We're going to hear
from Saddam soon," said Simmons in an interview.

U.S. companies imported an average of 606,000 barrels per day of Iraqi crude
during the first eight months of the year, according to the latest statistics
compiled by the EIA. The level of Iraqi imports were compared with daily
averages for other nations over the same period: 1.46 million barrels per day
from Saudi Arabia, 1.29 million barrels per day each from Canada and Mexico,
1.19 million from Venezuela and 1.1 million from Nigeria.

America's appetite for Iraqi oil comes at a time when the Iraqi dictator is
seeking to emerge from 10 years of isolation to reclaim the center of the
world's stage. In recent weeks, Saddam has threatened to cut off oil exports
in "sympathy" with Palestinians fighting against Israel, and has offered to
send troops to Jordan to be on the front lines with the Jewish state.

Even without a move by Saddam to take his oil off the market, oil prices are
headed upwards, at least in the short run, some U.S. government oil analysts
believe.

"We don't characterize the current prices (of nearly $34 per barrel) as
high," a Middle East analyst at the Energy Information Administration told
WND.

Simmons put it more bluntly. "We're about to have a massive oil shock," he
said. "When the weather gets cold, we're out of capacity."

Wihbey believes higher oil prices have undoubtedly benefited countries such
as Iraq and Iran by giving them the financial resources to develop new
ballistic missile systems, nuclear weapons systems and to "fund military
campaigns."

A political oil forecast?
The official EIA energy forecast predicts oil prices will remain more or less
steady over the next five months, then begin to drop starting in February
2001, reaching $25 to $26 per barrel of West Texas Intermediate by the end of
next year, analysts told WorldNetDaily.

The EIA monthly short-term forecast was due to be released on Nov. 6, but has
been delayed until Nov. 8 -- the day after the U.S. presidential elections.
An Energy Department spokesman said the delay had "nothing to do with
politics."

One thing the latest estimate shows, analysts said, was the futility of
President Clinton's order last month to release oil onto the market from the
Strategic Petroleum Reserve in an effort to lower prices. Prices have
remained steadily high, and are predicted to rise slightly in the coming
months, despite the availability of 30 million barrels of oil from the SPR.

Clinton's move was widely seen as a gesture aimed at shoring up the Gore
campaign, as low-income homeowners in the Northeast corridor face spiraling
fuel-oil prices as the weather gets cold.

Texas Gov. George W. Bush and other Republicans have criticized the
administration for crippling the domestic oil and gas industry through
burdensome environmental regulations. According to Sen. Larry Craig, R-Idaho,
EPA regulators have blocked the development of clean coal, called for tearing
down hydroelectric dams to protect salmon, and for the past 14 years have
prevented any new refineries from being built in America.

Craig introduced legislation in May that sets out a national energy policy
based on expanding clean coal, hydropower, renewable fuels and nuclear energy
as the means for reducing America's dependence on foreign



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