Preston:

This is a fabulous posting. Thank you! There are several key points to
consider here.

1. The U.S. Navy using a sensory system called SOSUS along with monitoring
by Los Angeles Class attack subs monitors all the underwater traffic
everywhere in the world, but especially near the U.S. Not even a whale moves
without the U.S. Navy knowing about it. Their Sonar equipment is especially
programmed to recognize key sounds made by Russian subs. Therefore, if this
sub was intended to smuggle coke and heroin to the U.S. it could only happen
with the blessings of the CIA and the USN. No exceptions here.

2. The presence of an American in the construction team tends to strongly
suggest CIA awareness, if not participation. Therefore, it is also possible
(I think even likely) that the submarine was/is intended to smuggle drugs to
Europe and Asia. My reasoning is that CIA and the various factions have a
simple, cheap system set up right now that doesn't require all this effort,
money and risk. The sub is likely intended to bypass the law enforcement of
other nations not capable of detecting it. The classic model of
narco-colonialism.

3. The ending remarks about the escalation of technology are extremely
important for several reasons. First the technological escalation is
supported by the fact that, about a year ago a US De Havilland DH 7 spy
aircraft piloted by Army pilot Jennifer Odom with a radar directed SAM 16.
This is ultra high-tech. This was very well reported by Salon Magazine.

It is my strong belief that the USG (CIA) is secretly seeing to it that the
FARC devils become very well technologically equipped so as to justify their
demonization and ever higher US military expenditures. A major US deployment
would not be justified by even 100,000 rebels equipped with AK 47s. It would
be justified (along with huge military expenditures) if FARC had submarines,
radar, SAMs, tanks and high tech.

Remember also that we have documented Russian money laundering through the
Bank of New York and that this money goes back into Wall Street. Ref:
http://www.copvcia.com/bony.htm.

The timing of this LA Times piece is interesting also because the submarine
story originally broke two months ago and didn't draw this much attention
then.

I believe this to be a prepping of the waters for military intervention in
Colombia that becomes ever more necessary as Wall Street suffers and the
Euro surges under the present electoral uncertainty.

Mike Ruppert
www.copvcia.com


-----Original Message-----
From:   [EMAIL PROTECTED] [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
Sent:   Friday, November 10, 2000 10:02 AM
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject:    [CIA-DRUGS] sub links colombian cartels and russian mob-yep, them
pesky russkie commies

Subj:    [Spy News] Submarine Links Colombian Drug Traffickers With Russian
Mafia
Date:   11/10/2000 1:00:03 PM Eastern Standard Time
From:   [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Mario Profaca)
Reply-to:   <A HREF="mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]">[EMAIL PROTECTED]</A>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] ([Spy News])

Friday, November 10, 2000
Submarine Links Colombian Drug Traffickers With Russian Mafia
http://www.latimes.com/news/nation/20001110/t000107841.html

Crime: Officials believe that the vessel
http://www.latimes.com/photos/20001110/g0j302ke.gif
http://www.latimes.com/photos/20001110/g0j2tgke.gif
was a joint effort between cartels
and ex-KGB spies. They worry that
the partnership includes intelligence
trading.


By JUANITA DARLING, Times Staff Writer

    BOGOTA, Colombia--They should have been friendlier to the neighbors.
    The three foreigners first raised suspicions in the Andean mountain
village of Facatativa because they never smiled or waved. Then people
noticed that they always had food delivered and seldom emerged from the
warehouse where they worked.
    Finally, someone called the police. Officers, shocked by what they
discovered when they entered the warehouse during a predawn raid Sept. 7,
made two phone calls: one to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration office
here and another to the Russian ambassador.
    Thanks to the offended villagers, law enforcement officers had found a
100-foot submarine under construction, the first tangible evidence of a
long-suspected alliance between the latest generation of Colombian drug
traffickers and the Russian mafia.

    That partnership concerns security experts, who worry that Colombian
drug traffickers may be getting more than hardware from their Russian
associates. They could be buying intelligence and counterintelligence
services from spies who learned their trade in the notorious KGB, warned
Frank J. Cilluffo, a researcher at the Center for Strategic and
International Studies in Washington.
     Law enforcement officials believe that the submarine was being built to
smuggle up to 10 tons of narcotics--a testament to the ingenuity of drug
traffickers and, perhaps, to the strength of combined forces.
     Together, Russian and Colombian organized crime groups make a
formidable team. "Colombian cocaine trafficking groups generate billions of
dollars in revenues each year, resources that increasingly have been used to
purchase the best talent and technology available on the market," noted one
international antinarcotics organization's report on the submarine incident.
     And in the post-Soviet world, many Russians have entered that market.
"In Russia today," Cilluffo observed, "anything and everything is for sale."
     Even the technology to build submarines.
     Russians were linked to the Colombian submarine by Russian tools,
manuals written in Russian--using the Latin rather than the Cyrillic
alphabet--and evidence that two of the foreigners who had made villagers
suspicious were Russian, law enforcement and diplomatic sources said. The
third man apparently was an American, and U.S.-made tools also were found,
they said.
     No one was at the warehouse when police raided it, and no arrests have
been made.
     Soon after the sub's discovery, a Colombian newspaper quoted the
Russian police attache here as saying, "It's one of ours." He later denied
that statement through a spokesman.
     Still, only Russia and the United States have submarine-building
technology, although the know-how is licensed to manufacturers in other
countries, Russian Embassy spokesman Dimitri Belov said.
     In 1995, the Cali cartel unsuccessfully tried to buy a used Russian
submarine larger than the one under construction, according to court
documents filed in Miami. Colombian police intelligence documents state that
during the previous three years, the Cali cartel had been supplying cocaine
to Moscow and St. Petersburg through the Solntsevo gang, one of the most
powerful organized crime groups in Russia.
     "Russian groups negotiated with the Cali cartel to pay for various drug
shipments with arms that were later sold in Central America and to
subversive groups in Colombia," according to the intelligence documents.
     "This is at least a 10-year evolution that has reached greater and
greater heights as it has evolved," Bruce Bagley, an Andean specialist at
the University of Miami, said of the alliance between Russian and Colombian
organized crime. Russians distribute Colombian cocaine in Europe, launder
drug money through their banks in the Caribbean and supply guns for the
prolonged multi-sided civil war that kills an average of 3,000 Colombians a
year, he said.
     The discovery of the submarine is the first solid clue that a close
partnership exists between Colombia's new, smaller cartels and the Russian
mob, a collective term that covers at least 250 organizations. Law
enforcement officers believe that the submarine project was a cooperative
effort among several small groups that shared the estimated $25-million cost
of building it, much as they spread the risk for major drug shipments.
     The submarine case also has provided a chance for Colombian, U.S. and
Russian law enforcement officials to work together against that criminal
alliance.
     "The submarine is the first case in which we have been invited to
participate, and that is an achievement," the Russian Embassy's Belov said.
"Up to now, there has been a lot of talk but very few facts."
     In 1997, there were reports that Marxist guerrillas in Colombia had
Russian tanks. A year later, they were said to have Russian trainers and,
the following year, a Russian airplane. "None of that information was ever
confirmed," Belov said.
     Only two Russians have been arrested in Colombia on drug-related
charges in the past three years, he said, and each of those cases involved
less than half a kilo of cocaine.
     The Russian ambassador sent two diplomatic notes and once even visited
the former chief of Colombia's national police, Gen. Jose Serrano, to demand
that he either provide proof of Russian mafia involvement in Colombia's
illegal drugs and arms trade or stop talking about it, aides to both men
confirmed.
     For that reason, sources in Colombia are reluctant to discuss the
connection between the two organized crime groups. But experts on organized
crime who live outside Colombia say it was inevitable that the Russians and
Colombians would do business together.
     Each side had what the other needed. The Colombians were deft at
growing coca and processing and distributing cocaine, but they were weak in
getting the profits back into Colombia, said a former DEA agent who asked
not to be identified because he is still a target of drug traffickers.
     Russians had access to casinos and offshore banks throughout the
Caribbean that could be used for money laundering. They also could provide a
back door into the European drug market that would allow Colombians to
expand their business, he said.
     What some of Russia's best-connected agents needed was money, and the
Colombians had that in abundance.
     In the early 1990s, said J. Michael Waller, a researcher at the
American Foreign Policy Council in Washington, "The [Russian] Finance
Ministry was not coming up with the funds needed to run an intelligence
service."
     Drawing on the expertise gained from running heroin out of Afghanistan
in the 1980s, he said, members of the Russian intelligence service began
smuggling drugs in earnest. Embassy spokesman Belov said he was "not aware"
of any such activity by the now-defunct KGB.
     A Colombian police intelligence report noted, "The great power of the
Russian criminal organizations stems in large part from the fact that the
majority of them are made up of ex-agents of the secret services such as the
KGB."
     Experts outside Colombia consider that an understatement. "This took
place with the knowledge and tacit approval of the leadership of the
intelligence service," Waller said.
     "In order to keep talented personnel, the KGB had to look the other way
while their experts did business on the side," he said.
     Adding to the problem, he said, is a structure that lacks
accountability. The Russian intelligence services include a category of
agents called "active reserve," he said.
     "They go about daily lives while operating as intelligence officers,"
Waller said. "There is no way to draw the line" between their intelligence
activities and their business dealings, whether legal or illegal.
     Cilluffo noted: "You have to put Russian crime in the perspective of a
toxic blend of crime, business and politics. It's not easy to see who is the
puppet and who is the master."
     Because former and, perhaps, current intelligence service agents are
involved, he warned, the Colombian traffickers can rely on them not just for
hardware but also for information. Besides submarine technology, they also
may be providing counterintelligence consulting to stymie counternarcotics
efforts, he said.
     The United States should consider the implications of this alliance as
it prepares to send helicopters to the Colombian army as part of its
$1.3-billion package of mainly military aid, the experts cautioned. "Black
Hawks and Hueys," Bagley noted, "could be quite vulnerable to a
technological escalation."



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