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 Electing from the bench

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� 2000 WorldNetDaily.com


There's nothing like personal experience to strengthen one's resolve, to turn
a principle into a conviction. On Nov. 14, Leon County Circuit Judge Terry
Lewis rewrote Florida's election statute and inserted three provisions the
legislature had never enacted. Such judicial legislation not only neuters the
right of Floridians to govern themselves through their legislature but in
this case also hijacks the right of all Americans to elect their president
through the electoral system. It should strengthen Governor George W. Bush's
resolve to appoint only "strict constructionists" to the federal bench should
he become president.

During the campaign, Mr. Bush repeatedly vowed to appoint judges who would
"interpret the law, not make it" and who would not "legislate from the
bench." That was the design of America's founders and the absolute imperative
for self-government and the rule of law. In each case before him, the judge's
job is to interpret the relevant law, apply it to the facts, and announce the
result. As Black's Law Dictionary puts is, interpretation is "ascertaining
the meaning of a ... written document." In that famous case of Marbury v.
Madison, Chief Justice John Marshall said that a judge's duty is to "say what
the law is."

The law before Judge Lewis in this case was Chapter 102 of the Florida
Statutes. Section 112 is directed at county election boards, and reads,
"Returns must be filed by 5 p.m. on the 7th day following the ... general
election." The same section backs up this mandatory deadline by requiring the
Secretary of State to fine each county election board member $200 for each
day the returns are late. Even the definitionally-challenged Bill Clinton
would have a hard time avoiding the clear meaning of this provision.

But wait, it gets even clearer. Section 111 is directed at the state election
board and reads, "If the county returns are not received by the Department of
State by 5 p.m. of the seventh day following an election, all missing
counties shall be ignored, and the results shown by the returns on file shall
be certified."

So what is the law in this case? A specific requirement (backed up by
mandatory fines) that counties certify their returns by 5:00 p.m. on the
seventh day after an election (Nov. 14) and a specific requirement that the
state ignore the counties that do not. Not only is each provision clear by
itself, but is in perfect harmony with the other.

That's "what the law is" in this case. The facts to which this law must be
applied are that some counties did not want to comply with the deadline
because they were doing manual recounts after two machine counts had already
been completed. Rather than being required to finish manual recounts by the
deadline, they said the deadline must be waived for their manual recounts.

The judge's job here should have been easy. If the Florida legislature had
worried that manual recounts could not be completed in time, it could easily
have made an exception or set a separate or flexible deadline. It did not.
Since judges are supposed to interpret different provisions of the same
statute to be compatible rather than contradictory, the only conclusion is
that the legislature intended that while manual recounts be allowed, they be
finished by the deadline to avoid being ignored.

This was obviously not a result this local elected judge wanted to reach.
Simply saying what the law is and applying it to the facts would make too
many people too upset with him. So he decided to write a different statute,
one that would appear to give something to everyone. He could not simply say
that such a clear mandatory deadline does not exist; this is America, after
all, not Wonderland. So he said that county election boards "must certify and
file what election returns they have by the statutory deadline of 5 p.m. of
November 14th." But because, he said, "it is easy to imagine a situation"
where a manual recount could not be completed by the deadline, he ruled that
counties doing manual recounts may "file supplemental or corrective returns."
While "the secretary of state may ignore such late-filed returns," she "may
not do so arbitrarily."

So Judge Lewis made at least three changes to Chapter 102 of the Florida
Statutes. First, he amended section 112 by making the requirement that
late-filed returns be ignored optional (he changed "must" to "may"). Second,
he amended section 166 by adding a provision allowing for supplemental or
corrective returns to be filed after the deadline. Third, he added a section
requiring that decisions about ignoring late-filed returns be reviewed by,
surprise, a judge. The Florida legislature enacted none of these provisions;
they were legislated by Judge Lewis.

Rather than let the law determine the result, Judge Lewis let his desired
result determine the law. Whether "it is easy to imagine" certain things or
not, it must be the legislature and not a judge doing the imagining for it to
change the law. He created an election system the people of Florida had
chosen not to create, one that turns objective rules into subjective
guidelines and takes decisions out of the executive branch and tosses them
into the courts.

In his first inaugural address, President Abraham Lincoln warned against this
very kind of judicial activism which puts judges in charge of determining
public policy. In that instance, he said, "the people will have ceased to be
their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government
into the hands of [judges]." Should Mr. Bush have the opportunity to deliver
his first inaugural address, he might want to remind America of this
principle.






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