-Caveat Lector-

~~for educational purposes only~~
[Title 17 U.S.C. section 107]


December 7, 1941 . . . a Day of Deceit
by Robert B. Stinnett

This week, as Americans remember those 2403 men,
women, and children killed  and 1178 wounded  in
the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Hawaii on
December 7, 1941, recently released government
documents concerning that "surprise" raid compel
us to revisit some troubling questions.

At issue is American foreknowledge of Japanese military
plans to attack Hawaii by a submarine and carrier force
59 years ago. There are two questions at the top of the
foreknowledge list: (1) whether President Franklin D.
Roosevelt and his top military chieftains provoked Japan
into an "overt act of war" directed at Hawaii, and
(2) whether Japan's military plans were obtained in
advance by the United States but concealed from the
Hawaiian military commanders, Admiral Husband E. Kimmel
and Lieutenant General Walter Short so they would not
interfere with the overt act.

The latter question was answered in the affirmative
on October 30, 2000, when President Bill Clinton signed
into law, with the support of a bipartisan Congress, the
National Defense Authorization Act. Amidst its omnibus
provisions, the Act reverses the findings of nine
previous Pearl Harbor investigations and finds that
both Kimmel and Short were denied crucial military
intelligence that tracked the Japanese forces toward
Hawaii and obtained by the Roosevelt Administration in
the weeks before the attack.

Congress was specific in its finding against the 1941
White House: Kimmel and Short were cut off from the
intelligence pipeline that located Japanese forces
advancing on Hawaii. Then, after the successful Japanese
raid, both commanders were relieved of their commands,
blamed for failing to ward off the attack, and demoted
in rank.

President Clinton must now decide whether to grant the
request by Congress to restore the commanders to their
1941 ranks. Regardless of what the Commander-in-Chief
does in the remaining months of his term, these
congressional findings should be widely seen as an
exoneration of 59 years of blame assigned to Kimmel
and Short.

But one important question remains: Does the blame for
the Pearl Harbor disaster revert to President Roosevelt?

A major motion picture based on the attack is currently
under production by Walt Disney Studios and scheduled for
release in May 2001. The producer, Jerry Bruckheimer,
refuses to include America's foreknowledge in the script.
When Bruckheimer commented on FDR's foreknowledge in an
interview published earlier this year, he said "That's
all b___s___."

Yet, Roosevelt believed that provoking Japan into an
attack on Hawaii was the only option he had in 1941 to
overcome the powerful America First non-interventionist
movement led by aviation hero Charles Lindbergh. These
anti-war views were shared by 80 percent of the American
public from 1940 to 1941. Though Germany had conquered
most of Europe, and her U-Boats were sinking American
ships in the Atlantic Ocean  including warships  Americans
wanted nothing to do with "Europe's War."

However, Germany made a strategic error. She, along with
her Axis partner, Italy, signed the mutual assistance
treaty with Japan, the Tripartite Pact, on September 27, 1940.
Ten days later, Lieutenant Commander Arthur McCollum, a U.S.
Naval officer in the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI), saw
an opportunity to counter the U.S. isolationist movement by
provoking Japan into a state of war with the U.S., triggering
the mutual assistance provisions of the Tripartite Pact, and
bringing America into World War II.

Memorialized in McCollum's secret memo dated October 7, 1940,
and recently obtained through the Freedom of Information Act,
the ONI proposal called for eight provocations aimed at Japan.
Its centerpiece was keeping the might of the U.S. Fleet based
in the Territory of Hawaii as a lure for a Japanese attack.

President Roosevelt acted swiftly. The very next day,
October 8, 1940, the Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Fleet,
Admiral James O. Richardson, was summoned to the Oval Office
and told of the provocative plan by the President. In a
heated argument with FDR, the admiral objected to placing
his sailors and ships in harm's way. Richardson was then
fired and in his place FDR selected an obscure naval
officer, Rear Admiral Husband E. Kimmel, to command the
fleet in Hawaii. Kimmel was promoted to a four-star admiral
and took command on February 1, 1941. In a related
appointment, Walter Short was promoted from Major General
to a three-star Lieutenant General and given command of
U.S. Army troops in Hawaii.

Throughout 1941, FDR implemented the remaining seven
provocations. He then gauged Japanese reaction through
intercepted and decoded communications intelligence
originated by Japan's diplomatic and military leaders.

The island nation's militarists used the provocations
to seize control of Japan and organized their military
forces for war against the U.S., Great Britain, and
the Netherlands. The centerpiece  the Pearl Harbor
attack  was leaked to the U.S. in January 1941. During
the next 11 months, the White House followed the
Japanese war plans through the intercepted and decoded
diplomatic and military communications intelligence.

Japanese leaders failed in basic security precautions. At
least 1,000 Japanese military and diplomatic radio
messages per day were intercepted by monitoring stations
operated by the U.S. and her Allies, and the message
contents were summarized for the White House. The intercept
summaries were clear: Pearl Harbor would be attacked on
December 7, 1941, by Japanese forces advancing through
the Central and North Pacific Oceans. On November 27
and 28, 1941, Admiral Kimmel and General Short were ordered
to remain in a defensive posture for "the United States
desires that Japan commit the first overt act." The order
came directly from President Roosevelt.

As I explained to a policy forum audience at The Independent
Institute in Oakland, California, which was videotaped and
telecast nationwide over the Fourth of July holiday earlier
this year, my research of U.S. naval records shows that not
only were Kimmel and Short cut off from the Japanese
communications intelligence pipeline, so were the American
people. It is a coverup that has lasted for nearly 59 years.

Immediately after December 7, 1941, military communications
documents that disclose American foreknowledge of the Pearl
Harbor disaster were locked in U.S. Navy vaults away from
the prying eyes of congressional investigators, historians,
and authors. Though the Freedom of Information Act freed the
foreknowledge documents from the secretive vaults to
the sunlight of the National Archives in 1995, a cottage
industry continues to cover up America's foreknowledge of
Pearl Harbor.

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