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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

Debunking the Biggest Election Lie
Tony Snow
Dec. 14, 2000

WASHINGTON - In the interests of political hygiene, peace on earth, goodwill
toward men and plain truth, let's deal with the most annoying canard of this
election season.
It is the claim that a partisan Supreme Court of the United States handed the
presidency to George W. Bush.

Democrats and journalists (but I repeat myself) have summoned this argument
to insinuate that the court put in a political fix for George W. Bush. Facts
don't support the claim.

The allegation of partisanship arises because the high court ruled by a 5-4
margin that the clock had run out on Florida recounts. That's true, but it's
also a side issue. The truly important question was whether the Florida
Supreme Court imposed a ballot-counting scheme that violated the Constitution
by treating different votes (and thus different voters) differently.

On this central matter, the court ruled 7-2 that the Florida court had indeed
ordered up a mess. It imposed standardless recounts based on the whims of
county election boards and circuit court judges. It delegated the solemn
responsibility of counting votes to poor saps who got dragged in to squint at
punch ballots, looking for dangling, swinging and otherwise memorable chads.
It generated a marvelous chaos, with dimpled chads counting as votes in some
counties but not others.

The Florida court also demanded that the state acknowledge recounts that had
been vacated by the U.S. Supreme Court - that is, wiped away as if they had
never existed. It demanded tallies of "undervotes" - ballots that did not
include a measurable vote for president, but not "overvotes" that seemed to
indicate more than one presidential choice.

And so on. When the United States Supremes got a good look at this nut-ball
scheme, they did the only thing they could: They took out their erasers and
wiped it away. They threw out the hand recounts. They tossed out the Florida
high-court ukases, especially those that created new deadlines for certifying
votes. They obliterated the weird distinctions between classes of chads.

This left the concern that divided the court: What to do. Chief Justice
William Rehnquist, and Associate Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas
said there was no way to create a fair and consistent recounting procedure,
since the clock had run out on recounts and challenges. The Florida Supreme
Court and the state Legislature repeatedly had identified Dec. 12 as the
"drop dead" date for resolving all contests and controversies. The three
justices accepted that date as well.

The court's minority ignored this central fact, and tried to draft a
political solution to the crisis. Justice Stephen Breyer suggested giving the
Florida Supreme Court a chance to come up with constitutionally sound
counting standards. He seemed to believe the Sunshine Solons could draft
acceptable rules, distribute them to 67 counties and settle all legal
challenges in 122 hours - the time between the publication of the court's
decision and the Dec. 18 meeting of the Electoral College.

This odd solution was doomed. It demanded that the Florida Supreme Court
effectively write new law - the sin that led all nine Supreme Court justices
to vacate the first Florida court ruling. In addition, it would have
instructed the state court to ignore the Florida statute that requires the
final resolution of all disputes by Dec. 12.

At best, the "compromise" would have forced Floridians to work 24 hours a day
for six days, to brave thermonuclear arguments and organized political
rallies - only to have everything blow up in their faces, and probably get
reversed again by the U.S. Supremes. This isn't judicial activism: It's
black-robe sadism.

Finally, the liberals on the court, not the conservatives, practiced
partisanship in the case of Bush v. Gore. Justice John Paul Stevens repeated
the Jesse Jackson smear that the court majority had ordered "the
disenfranchisement of an unknown number of voters."

Justice Stephen Breyer meanwhile warned that "in this highly politicized
matter, the appearance of a split decision runs the risk of undermining the
public's confidence in the Court itself. ... (W)e do risk a self-inflicted
wound - a wound that may harm not just this nation, but this court."

Call this extortion. If Breyer was so gung-ho on saving the court's
reputation, he could have joined the majority and abandoned his
one-more-recount scheme.






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