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Date: Sat, 16 Dec 2000 21:25:48 -0000
From: Robert Sterling <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Konformist: VoteScam 12-16-2000

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Thanks,

Robert Sterling
Editor, The Konformist
http://www.konformist.com


"What's so great about the two-party system? It's just one more party
than they had in Russia."

Jesse Ventura, Football Commentator

*****

Fri, 15 Dec 2000
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

Hi all,
There seems to be a lot of MISSING THE FREAKIN POINT going on now.
    This last election was stolen IN THE FIRST PLACE, before we EVER
WENT TO
THE POLLS.
    So, all that yelling out of the way, let me continue for a moment.
    We were offered the most stomach churning pair of duopoly
candidates
we've had to pick from in a long itme. The other candidates were not
invited
or allowed to take part in the debates, there were absolutely no real
issues
at hands in any of the debates. For crying out loud, Nader wasn't
allowed to
sit in the audience, or even be on the grounds of the debates between
Gore
and Bush.
    All the upset people over Bush stealing the election seem to be
forgetting that our choices were seriously limited to begin with,
that the
"democratic" process was shot full of holes long before November 7th,
or the
decision by the Supreme Court.
    But at least, as Michael Moore so eloquently noted, now evil
doesn't wear
a mask, and all the Democrats who let Clinton get away with murder
and the
drug war for 8 years can now feel good about fighting the Republican
verison
of the same monster in the White House, without the "oh, but he's a
democrat,
and therefore less evil when he did nothing to end the War on Some
Drugs,
continued his support of the death penalty, continued his support of
god
knows how many dictators and drug trafficking governments around the
world"
feelings getting in the way of their outrage and outspoken  disgust.
    Hmmm.
    Peace,
Preston

*****

Chuck Kerschner <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

BREAKING NEWS: GOD OVERRULES SUPREME COURT VERDICT

Bush to be smitten later today

In a stunning development this morning, God invoked the "one nation,
under God" clause of the Pledge of Allegiance to overrule last
night's Supreme Court decision that handed the White House to George
Bush.

"I'm not sure where the Supreme Court gets off," God said this
morning on a rare Today Show appearance, "but I'm sure as hell not
going to lie back and let Bush get away with this bullshit."

"I've watched analysts argue for weeks now that the exact vote count
in Florida 'will never be known.'  Well, I'm God and I DO know
exactly who voted for whom.  Let's cut to the chase: Gore won Florida
by exactly 20,219 votes."

Shocking political analysts and pundits, God's unexpected verdict
overrules the official Electoral College tally and awards Florida to
Al Gore, giving him a 292-246 victory.  The Bush campaign is
analyzing God's Word for possible grounds for appeal.

"God's ruling is a classic over-reach," argued Bush campaign
strategist Jim Baker.  "Clearly, a divine intervention in a U.S.
Presidential Election is unprecedented, unjust, and goes against the
constitution of the state of Florida."

"Jim Baker's a jackass," God responded. "He's got some surprises
ahead of him, let me tell
you.  HOT ones, if you know what I mean."

God, who provided the exact vote counts for every Florida precinct,
explained that bad balloting machinery and voter confusion were no
grounds to give the White House to "a friggin' idiot."

"Look, only 612 people in Palm Beach County voted for Buchanan.  Get
real!

The rest meant to vote for Gore.  Don't believe me? I'll name them:
Anderson, Pete; Anderson, Sam, Jr.; Arthur, James; Barnhardt, Ron..."

Our Lord then went on to note that he was displeased with George W.
Bush's prideful ways and
announced that he would officially smite him today.  In an act of
wrath unlike any reported
since the Book of Job, God has taken all of Bush's goats and
livestock, stripped him of his
wealth and possessions, sold his family into slavery, forced the
former presidential candidate into hard labor in a salt mine, and
afflicted him with deep boils.

Dick Cheney will reportedly receive leprosy.

*****

              ++++++++++++

              Election Bumper Stickers:

              "Those who cast the votes decide nothing.
              Those who count the votes decide everything."
                                      -Joseph Stalin

              Don't Blame Me - I voted for Gore... I Think

              UNPRESIDENTED!

              My parents retired to Florida and all I got
              was this lousy President

              Disney gave us Mickey, Florida gave us Dumbo

              DON'T THROW AWAY YOUR VOTE...
              LET KATHERINE HARRIS DO IT FOR YOU

              Bush trusts the people, but not if it involves
counting.

              IT AIN'T OVER 'TIL YOUR BROTHER COUNTS THE VOTES

              The election can't be broken. We just fixed it.

              George W. Bush: The President Quayle We Never Had

              The last time somebody listened to a Bush, folks
wandered
              in the desert for 40 years

              Campaign spending: $184,000,000.
              Having your little brother rig the election for you:
Priceless

              If God Meant Us to Vote, He Would Have Given Us
Candidates

              ++++++++++

              Paul Harvey commented that Argus Hamilton says he can
              understand why Al Gore is feeling so confused and
              disoriented that he thinks he won the presidential
election.

              After all, this is a strange year.

              The number one rap music star is white while the number
one
              golfer is black. And Bill Clinton just finished a tour
in
              Vietnam."

*****

Dan Quayle redux
As we prepare for a second President Bush, the d�j� vu isn't caused
by memories of the father.

- - - - - - - - - - - -
By Lawrence Weschler

Dec. 16, 2000 | At the time of his sudden ascension to prominence,
back in 1988, when the entire world seemed to be stammering, as if in
one voice, "Him? Why him?" Dan Quayle, we were assured, had struck a
resonant chord in the patrician sponsor who had selected him to serve
as his vice presidential running mate. George Bush saw something in
the boyish young (though actually not that young) man� indeed we were
told, he recognized in him something of a son.

Little did we know.

There were countless other fresh young politicians from whom to
choose that strange summer morn, some of them quite competent, but
Bush p�re chose that one. Just as this time around, bent on revenge
for their defeat four years later, the Bush clan could have rallied
behind the competent son but instead chose to marshal its forces
around (behind, in front of, above, beneath) its hapless dauphin.

People have been speaking of George W. as a latter-day liter version
of his father, and there is indeed a strong sense of d�j� vu in all
of this, but the comparison to Bush the elder misses the essential
point: This is not so much a case of d�j� vu as of repetition
compulsion, a bizarre family psychodrama writ large. With George W.
(the pervading vacuousness, the deer-in-the-headlights stare, the
cavalcade of late-night TV jokes, the burgeoning compilations of
tortured syntax and uproarious gaffes, the nervous edgy glances of
the surrounding adult handlers, the defiantly clueless Alfred E.
Newman gaze, the utter lack of curiosity regarding the cluefulness of
the world), what we are witnessing isn't so much the return of George
the elder as the triumphant apotheosis of Dan Quayle!

Remember how we used to cringe through the better part of Daddy
Bush's term in office, mortified that something might befall him and
we'd all get stuck with Quayle? Well, guess what? I'm reminded, in
turn, of the joke that was going around in March 1969, about the
accident victim who'd spent the entirety of the previous decade in a
coma. Coming to, his first frantic query had concerned the health of
President Eisenhower. Informed that Ike had in fact died just a few
days earlier, the poor fellow wailed, "My God, that means Nixon must
be president!"


salon.com
- - - - - - - - - - - -
About the writer
Lawrence Weschler is a staff writer at the New Yorker and author most
recently of Boggs: A Comedy of Values.

*****

World Socialist Web Site www.wsws.org

----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------

WSWS : News & Analysis : North America : US Elections

Gore concession speech: Democrats capitulate to right-wing attack on
voting rights
By Patrick Martin
15 December 2000

The concession speech delivered by Vice President Al Gore Wednesday
night was an unvarnished capitulation to the right-wing forces
responsible for stealing the 2000 presidential election and
installing George W. Bush in the White House.

Gore was incapable either of articulating the nature of the political
crisis or of drawing any lessons from the bitter struggle of the
previous 36 days. Instead, he delivered a clich�-ridden address,
combining mawkish sentimentality with the inevitable invocations of
religion, while bowing before the Supreme Court decision that halted
the vote-counting in Florida.

>From a political standpoint, the most revealing aspect of Gore's
speech, coming as it did at the apex of a crisis that has seen an
unprecedented challenge to democratic rights, was its unseriousness.
The Democratic candidate's attorneys, in a brief to the Supreme Court
December 10, decried the Bush campaign's demand for a halt in the
counting of legal ballots in Florida, calling it "contrary to
established law, the US Constitution, and basic principles of
democracy." Three days later, after the Supreme Court decision
brought the vote-counting to a permanent end, Gore went on national
television to tell the American people, in effect, that nothing of
great or lasting import had occurred.

It is no doubt the case that, within the framework of American
bourgeois politics, Gore had few options for continuing the struggle
for the White House. But more profound issues were at stake than
whether Bush or Gore would become the next president of the United
States. Gore never addressed these issues, or sought to warn the
American people of the growing threat posed by the right-wing assault
on their basic rights.

The United States was brought to the brink of a full-blown
constitutional crisis by the successful drive of the Republican Party
to falsify the results of the November 7 election through the
suppression of thousands of votes in Florida. Bush, who campaigned as
the man who "trusts the people, not government," lost the popular
vote, but is being elevated to the presidency by an unelected agency
of that government.

The Supreme Court's decision was a display of ruthlessness and
political reaction. Even media commentators were staggered by the
cynicism of the five-member majority, who abandoned their professed
conservative legal principles�states' rights, judicial restraint�to
seize jurisdiction over a case involving state election laws,
overturn the state supreme court's decision, and impose conditions
which effectively declared Bush the winner of Florida's electoral
votes.

The political and constitutional essence of the Supreme Court's
action was spelled out in the majority's decision, which explicitly
attacked the principle of popular sovereignty, declaring that "The
individual citizen has no federal constitutional right to vote for
electors for the President of the United States."

Yet beyond stating that "I strongly disagree with the Court's
decision," Gore said nothing about the implications of the high
court's ruling for American democracy. Instead, he uttered patriotic
platitudes aimed at fostering illusions that the bitter conflict of
the past five weeks was merely a case of "partisan rancor"�nothing
more than a conflict between Democratic and Republican politicians
over political office.

Gore's exhibition of political cowardice reflected more than the
personal traits of one individual. His speech exemplified the
prostration of American liberalism before the right wing. He
hailed "the honored institutions of our democracy," under conditions
where the most powerful sections of the ruling class are moving to
overturn these institutions and establish new, authoritarian forms of
rule.

Gore's appeals to unite behind "President-elect Bush," which have
been echoed by Bill Clinton and a host of other leading Democrats,
have a deep class significance. Gore spoke as a defender of the
capitalist system and the machinery of the capitalist state. He went
out of his way to deny that the "unusual nature of this election"
should call into question Bush's legitimacy or effectiveness.

The Vice President specifically warned "our fellow members of the
world community"�i.e., countries that are potential adversaries of
American imperialism in economic, political and ultimately military
conflict�that they should not "see this contest as a sign of American
weakness."

Above all, Gore sought to deny that the election conflict had opened
up any serious rift within American society, declaring, "Now is the
time to recognize that that which unites us is greater than that
which divides us." These are political code words, a reassurance to
the ruling class that the Democrats are abandoning their opposition
to the establishment of a Bush administration in the interests of
maintaining the stability of the US political system. To continue the
conflict would require an appeal to broader social forces, among the
working class and oppressed, who are systematically excluded from
political influence in America.

There is nothing surprising in Gore's conduct, which was prefigured
by his silence throughout the election campaign on the impeachment
conspiracy against the Clinton White House, carried out by Republican
lawyers, judges and congressmen, working with Independent Counsel
Kenneth Starr, and using the bogus Paula Jones lawsuit that was
sanctioned by the US Supreme Court.

The same forces that sought to overturn the results of two
presidential elections through a quasi-constitutional political coup
have now manufactured the results of a third presidential election.
Gore's silence on the attack on democratic rights today reproduces
the refusal of Clinton to publicly expose the right wing, even when
his presidency was at stake.

Predictably, the corporate-controlled media fawned over Gore's
remarks, hailing them as "gracious", "poignant", "magnificent",
even "incredible." The same media outlets were largely hostile to the
Democratic candidate throughout the election campaign and during the
protracted struggle in Florida. Now, when Gore does his duty as a
loyal servant of big business, his masters administer a pat on the
head.

But the surrender of Al Gore and the Democratic Party to the anti-
democratic machinations of the extreme right does not signify the
acquiescence of the broad masses of the American people. As the
social agenda of the incoming Bush administration and the Republican-
controlled Congress becomes more evident, it will meet with growing
opposition from working people.

Gore claimed, "Now the political struggle is over." On the contrary,
the conditions are being created for a colossal shift in American
politics and the emergence of an independent political movement based
on the working class.

----------------------------------------------------------------------
----------

Copyright 1998-2000
World Socialist Web Site
All rights reserved

*****

DEMOCRATS ITCHING FOR A FIGHT IN 2002, '04

By Naftali Bendavid
Washington Bureau
December 16, 2000
WASHINGTON -- George W. Bush became president-elect just a few days
ago, and already some Democrats are plotting to turn what they hope
will be a weakened, troubled presidency into an effort to retake
Congress in two years and the White House in four.

Democratic wounds are raw from a bitter campaign and an election
dispute that many Democrats believe they won. Despite lofty rhetoric
from the party's elected officials about the need for bipartisanship,
the operatives who fight the battles at ground level are eager to
take on Bush and the Republicans in the next round.

Paul Begala, a former aide to President Clinton, said Bush will make
an "enormously tempting" target in 2004.

"Presidents are successful if they are feared, more than loved, more
than respected," Begala said. "We Democrats didn't love or respect
President Reagan, but we feared him because we knew he could trounce
us. And the Republicans, I know, were terrified of Clinton. They
didn't like or respect him but were scared to death of him."

He added, "Nobody in either party fears Bush."

This may be a way to ease the sting of Republican control of the
White House, Senate and House for the first time in 48 years. But
some Democrats insist they are better off with Bush in the Oval
Office than they would have been with Vice President Al Gore.

Bush, the thinking goes, lost the popular vote, creating a cloud over
his administration. Democratic loyalists, upset over the outcome,
could be energized for races in 2002 and 2004. And the incoming
president faces an unruly, divided Congress that could make it hard
to govern.

Republicans dismissed such predictions, saying Bush can overcome the
challenges.

"He will be a very strong leader," said Mark Pfeifle, spokesman for
the Republican National Committee. "He has proved in the state of
Texas that he can work with Democrats. He was only the second
Republican governor of Texas. He had a Democrat-dominated
legislature, and he came out with significant victories and
accomplishments."

Pfeifle characterized the Democrats' comments as partisan
jabs. "These are hired warriors, or another term might be political
hacks--which I consider a term of endearment; I am one--who live and
die for the battle," Pfeifle said.

Since Gore's concession Wednesday night, prominent Democrats have
been quick to say they wish Bush well for the sake of the nation.
Gore himself said, "What remains of partisan rancor must now be put
aside, and may God bless his stewardship of this county."

But there is little question that some Democrats hope Bush fails.

The president-elect will be torn between competing forces. He
campaigned as a moderate and will need Democratic help to get much
accomplished. But conservatives who have long waited for an all-
Republican regime are likely to insist on key elements of their
agenda.

Bush will have a hard time pleasing both constituencies. One sign of
trouble came this week when House Speaker Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.)
warned against trying to push through a $1.3 trillion tax cut, the
prized, oft-promised centerpiece of Bush's campaign platform.

All this has left some Democrats almost salivating for the midterm
elections.

"I just think Bush has got a really tough job ahead of him, given how
tight the House and Senate are," said Democratic consultant Joe
Trippi. "The immediate focus is on the midterm elections. Everybody
is gearing up for that, and we've barely finished this election."

Some have begun describing the 2000 election as a mirror image of
1992. That year, another centrist president who failed to win a
popular majority--Bill Clinton--had to work with a restless
congressional majority of his own party whose ideologically purist
wing caused him trouble.

Two years later, Republicans swept to power in Congress, and they
have not relinquished that majority. Democrats hope they can pull off
a similar victory in 2002.

But Rep. Rod Blagojevich (D-Ill.) said Democrats would make a mistake
by trying to block Bush's initiatives to score political points.

"I'm not one of those who feels that we should become
obstructionist," Blagojevich said. "The ultimate success of the
Democratic Party in the next election will depend on how we handle
our responsibility as the party of the loyal opposition. If we are
willing to work with the new president in areas like education, where
there may be common ground, voters will see that and reward us."

Names have already begun to circulate of possible Democratic
presidential contenders for 2004, including Sens. John Kerry (D-
Mass.), John Edwards (D-N.C.), Evan Bayh (D-Ind.) and Joseph Biden (D-
Del.).

House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt (D-Mo.) has also been
mentioned, though if Democrats retake the House and make him speaker,
he would be unlikely to seek the presidency.

Some think Jesse Jackson might run. Many African-Americans who
believe their votes were undercounted were angry, and that could fuel
a Jackson candidacy.

Now that First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton has won a Senate seat,
some tout her for the presidency, raising the prospect of Bush-
Clinton-Bush-Clinton administrations.

But perhaps unavoidably, most of the talk has revolved around the
prospects of Gore running again.

It is rare for a candidate who loses a presidential election to be
renominated. Many Democrats believe Gore lost their party the White
House, despite inheriting overwhelming advantages from a popular
administration in a time of peace and prosperity.

Others say Gore redeemed himself during the recount, handling it with
grace and steadiness. Gore did win the popular vote, they note,
despite carrying the baggage from Clinton controversies.

A politician with Gore's competitive zeal might find the temptation
to run again irresistible, those who know him say.

"If you are committed to public policy and you got this close, the
lure may be there," said Chicago political consultant David Axelrod,
a Democrat. "This would be the boxing equivalent of losing the title
on a disputed split decision, and programs and beer cups are in the
ring, and you're leaving the ring and there's booing. It leaves a
sour taste in your mouth."

If Gore does run again, he is certain to face a tougher challenge in
his own party. The vice president would have to start rebuilding his
image and his connections relatively quickly, political hands said.

"It's a decision he's got to make sooner rather than later," said
Leon Panetta, Clinton's former chief of staff who served with Gore in
the House. "I think it isn't something that will be handed to him.
There are other Democrats that are going to be out there. He will
have to put on another tough race to be able to get the nomination.
That's not to say he can't, and he is in good position to do it, but
it's got to start sooner rather than later."

Many see Gore's running mate, Sen. Joseph Lieberman (D-Conn.), as a
leading contender in 2004. He reinvigorated the Gore campaign with an
easygoing style, and many believe he is the reason Gore was
competitive in Florida.

But even some Democrats warn that the party should not be licking its
lips prematurely.

"I think the Democrats underestimate Bush," said Democratic
consultant Victor Fingerhut. "They thought they would wipe him out in
Texas, and he wiped them out. He has a Reagan-like quality, and
unless he is a total imbecile, he will do very well."


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