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            "When the agreement is signed,
            the Palestinians will declare
            an end of the conflict."

            "Arafat may find himself the
            most hated man in the
            Arab world."

MID-EAST REALITIES � - www.MiddleEast.Org - Washington - 12/26:
   Most of the Israelis desperately want the "deal".  That's because the
so-called
American "bridging proposals" from President Clinton really have the "made in
Israel" stamp all over them.
   Most of the Palestinians do not want to "deal".  Which is why there is not
a single major Palestinian personality who has come out in favor of it.  But
they are confused, demoralized, besieged, and sold out from within as well as
without.
   Yasser Arafat, trapped in his own political, financial, and political
corruption,
still may go for the "deal".  Indeed, all pressures, bribes, and incentives,
have been designed to get Arafat personally to cross the line and raise his
pen
and in one way or another give the Israelis more of the legitimacy they seek
-- a deal that "ends the conflict" on Israeli terms and creates a rump
Palestinian
Statelet that is more Israeli than Palestinian in design and future.  And by
the way, it's more like 15%, not 95% -- more on this to come.
   And thus "The bottom line is now to wait and see if they rise to the bait"
one senior "diplomat" (probably one of the Jewish Americans who make up an
Israeli-selected
American negotiating team) is quoted telling the Israeli media which
published
these two self-serving, but revealing, articles today:



       ISRAEL AWAITS ARAFAT'S ANSWER TO CLINTON
                 By Herb Keinon

JERUSALEM POST (December 26) - Israeli officials expressed cautious optimism
yesterday about the likelihood that both Israel and the Palestinians will say
"yes" to US ideas for moving the peace process forward, even as Palestinian
Authority
Chairman Yasser Arafat said upon returning from consultations in Egypt that
he
needs to "review" the issues.

In an interview on Channel 2's Nissim Mishal last night, Prime Minister Ehud
Barak said: "It will be very difficult to refuse to discuss [US President
Bill]
Clinton's proposals if the other side accepts them... That would exact of
Israel
too great an international price if everyone agrees - Arafat, Europe - and
just
we refuse."

Nevertheless, Barak admitted the agreement will be "as difficult as hell for
us
emotionally."

"We still have to thoroughly review the American suggestions," Arafat told
reporters
in the Gaza Strip after returning from a meeting with Egyptian President
Hosni
Mubarak. "There are a lot of obstacles." He said that the proposals were not
significantly different from those made at Camp David in July.

One Israeli source well acquainted with the negotiations said that, despite
public
comments by Palestinian leaders yesterday saying that the American ideas did
not go far enough, the impression gleaned from the negotiators who sat with
their
Palestinian counterparts in Washington was that they would accept the
proposals
as a basis to continue negotiating.

Arafat's comments were mild compared to those of Palestinian Legislative
Council
speaker Ahmed Qurei, who told Palestine Radio that Clinton's proposals don't
answer the yearnings of the Palestinians.

Qurei, who boycotted the Washington talks, said that wide gaps existed on all
the issues: Jerusalem, the Temple Mount, settlements, refugees, and even
overall
security issues.

West Bank Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti said that, although progress was made
in
Washington as a result of the pressure from the intifada, the Israeli
concessions
were not enough. "We can't sign this kind of agreement," he said in a Channel
1 interview. "The intifada will continue, and will be escalated in the next
few
weeks."

Barak continued to consult with his aides yesterday on what was discussed in
Washington , but it seemed certain that he would respond positively to the
Clinton
proposals.

"The general feeling," said an official in Barak's office, "is that, with
some
reservations, these are proposals that could serve as a basis for further
negotiations."
One diplomatic officials said that, although it seems clear that Barak is
willing
to accept the US proposals, "there has not been any clarity on what the
Palestinian
think of the proposals. The bottom line is now to wait and see if they rise
to
the bait," he said.

Barak is scheduled to convene his security cabinet tomorrow morning to
discuss
the proposals and decide whether to accept them.

If both the Palestinians and the Israelis accept the proposal, an Israeli
source
said, the next move will be for Barak and Arafat to hold separate meetings
with
Clinton, possibly as early as the end of this week, in Washington. If those
talks
progress well, then a three-way summit to flesh out the final obstacles could
be held the following week.

Clinton has set January 10 as the final deadline for coming to an agreement
under
his watch.

"We believe that a fair and workable agreement was outlined in Washington," a
US
diplomatic official said yesterday. "We expect responses by Wednesday." This
statement, a clear indication that the US does not want to see any
foot-dragging
now, follows statements Barak made to his cabinet Sunday saying that the
deadline
is not immutable. There were also statements attributed to the Palestinian
leadership
yesterday calling for tomorrow's deadline to be pushed back.

One diplomatic source said that time is very short, and that the deadline was
set on the 10th because "Clinton also has other things to tend to before he
leaves
office" 10 days later.

In addition, the source said, if Clinton continued to negotiate all the way
up
to the inauguration of Geroge W. Bush, it would appear as if he were
reluctant
to relinquish the reins of power.

The basic contours of the US proposals are as follows:

* Israel will relinquish 95 percent of the West Bank, and all of the Gaza
Strip,
to Palestinian control. Another 5 percent of land will be transferred to the
Palestinians in the Halutza area in the Negev, adjoining the Gaza Strip.

* Jerusalem will be divided, with the Palestinians receiving sovereignty over
the Arab neighborhoods in east Jerusalem, and Israel over the Jewish
neighborhoods.

* The Palestinians will get sovereignty over the Temple Mount, with some kind
of
guarantees granted to Israel to ensure that the Palestinians do not dig
underneath
the mount, believed to hold the remnants of the First and Second Temples. The
Western Wall, Jewish Quarter, and part of the Armenian Quarter will remain
under
Israeli control.

* Palestinian refugees will be able to return to the new Palestinian state,
but
- except for humanitarian cases of family reunification - not to pre-1967
Israel.

* Eighty percent of the settlements will be annexed to Israel in settlement
blocs
close to the Green Line, meaning that some 40 settlements in Gaza, Judea, and
Samaria will have to be vacated.

* When the agreement is signed, the Palestinians will declare an end of the
conflict.

Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Shlomo Ben-Ami yesterday spent much of the day
talking
to about a dozen of his counterparts in Europe, briefing them on the
proposals
and Israel's position.

One diplomatic source said that he does not see any problem with Israel
accepting
the proposals, but is still not clear on how the Palestinians will answer
Clinton.
If they refuse, however, it will be clear to the international community that
they are the ones who refused to rise to the occasion and take the bait, the
source said.
                      ----------


      ARAFAT'S BIGGEST HEADACHE
            By Zvi Bar'el

HA'ARETZ - Tuesday, December 26, 2000:
Palestinian Chairman Yasser Arafat took advantage of his most recent visit to
the Jordanian capital Amman to undergo a periodic examination by his doctor,
Ashraf Al Kurdi, a neurologist of international renown. His doctor said his
patient
should
rest more because he is under great stress.

Arafat, 71, is not heeding his doctor's advice. Immediately following his
visit
to Amman, he flew to Bethlehem to participate in the Christmas celebrations,
and then left for Cairo for a two-hour meeting with Egyptian President Hosni
Mubarak.

Arafat has good reason to be tense. He is facing one of the most difficult
decisions
in his life, and only he can make the choice.  The right of return is
propelling
Arafat on a collision course, not just with his people, the refugees in the
camps
of the West Bank and Gaza, but also with the rest of the Arab states.

As far as Arafat is concerned, this is a bigger problem than the issue of
Jerusalem.
Whereas he can bring diplomatic pressure from the Arab and Muslim world to
bear
on Israel and the U.S. on the Jerusalem question, the issue of the refugees
is
solely a
Palestinian problem.

Not a single Arab leader has demanded that Arafat not relinquish the right of
return, nor was he ever chastised for his intentions to reach a compromise on
the issue. Arab states, especially Jordan and Lebanon, fear that Arafat will
reach an agreement with
Israel, leaving nearly 2 million Palestinian refugees on their soil. Lebanon
has already announced this week that it will not allow the question of the
refugees
to be solved at "the expense of the national rights of the Lebanese people."
Jordan's prime minister made it clear, three months ago, that his country is
unwilling to absorb any more Palestinian refugees. As far as they are
concerned,
the refugees can either move to Palestine, when it is established, or find a
place in Europe, Australia or elsewhere.

On the other hand, Arafat realizes that even if he gives up the right of
return,
he is in a bind. Assuming he manages to overcome domestic opposition,
especially
among the refugees in the territories, and even if he unilaterally declares
an
independent state, the minute such a state exists, the refugees will demand
the
right to be absorbed there. Certainly, the Arab states hosting them will be
eager
to point the way to the Palestinian state, their brotherly obligations
completed.

However, this is more than just a matter of ethical responsibility, because
Arafat
lacks the resources to meet the economic and social needs of the refugees.
Jordan,
Syria and Lebanon are wary of a possible popular Palestinian uprising, if
these
refugees realize they have nothing to go back to, no dream, no economic
opportunity.

Jordan is particularly worried that Palestinian refugees may be driven from
Lebanon
and Syria into its territory, the only direct link with the Palestinian state.

In short, as one Jordanian commentator put it, "Arafat may find himself the
most
hated man in the Arab world."

One possible solution is that Arafat could find a formula which releases
Israel
from the historical responsibility for the creation of the refugee problem,
while
presenting an appropriate compensation arrangement which will enable the
Palestinian
state to absorb and fund the rehabilitation of the refugees.

Some have already suggested that Arafat adopt a similar stance to the one
adopted
by Israel toward Germany. However, that still leaves the obstacle of Israel's
adamant refusal to accept any responsibility for the creation of the refugee
problem.







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