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Jim Martin <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

I never thought the Nation would carry a positive mention of my book!
-Jim


A Tale of Two Venonas

STEPHEN SCHWARTZ

THE VENONA SECRETS: Exposing Soviet Espionage and Americo's Traitors.
Herbert Romerstein and Eric Breindel. Regnery. 608 pp. $29.95.

    If book publishing were subject to truth-in-labeling laws-a concept
we should all abominate-Herbert Romerstein would be in serious trouble.
    First, this book presents itself as jointly written by Romerstein, a
veteran federal investigator of Soviet activities in the United States, and
the late New York Post editorial-page editor Eric Breindel.  But I could
find no evidence whatever of textual input by Breindel in this volume, which
appears two and a half years after he
died.  Love him or hate him (and I am fairly certain most Nation readers
fall in the latter category), Breindel was a working journalist who knew how
to write.  However, this production is so leaden, prosaic and perfunctory it
is hard to imagine a professional
scribe having had anything to do with it.  It reads like a printout of
several government reports, strung together.
    Further, it offers very little that is new about the Venona program,
a US-run interception and decryption of some 2,900 secret
Soviet communications originally transmitted in the 1940s.  Nearly
everything important to be said about this phenomenon, from an anti-Soviet
perspective, was published in Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America,
a meticulous and detailed examination by the historians John Earl Haynes and
Harvey Klehr, issued by Yale University Press in 1999 [see Walter Schneir
and Miriam Schneir, "Cables Coming in From the Cold," July 5, 1999].
    This is not to say there is nothing new or interesting in this book.
In addition to Venona, Romerstein has trolled through other US files, as
well as the "MASK" decryptions, Soviet communications captured by the
British intelligence before World War II, and he has dipped into Soviet and
East German archives, although in a haphazard way.  But because Romerstein's
approach is only thorough in certain instances, he leaves some useful items
hanging, unelucidated.
    One of these involves the disappear-
 ance, in Barcelona during the Spanish Civil
 War, of Mark Rein, son of the exiled Rus-
 sian Menshevik Rafail Abramovich.  Rein
 was associated with Scandinavian social
 democracy when he vanished in wartime
 Catalonia.  His case is one of a short list
 of unsolved atrocities alleged against the
 Soviet secret police on Spanish Republi-
 can territory.  According to Romerstein,
 Rein may have been betrayed to Stalin's
 agents by a German leftist named Paul
 Hagen.  A footnote discloses that sources
 on the Rein affair may be found in the Ger-
 man Communist Party Archives. (Hagen is
 discussed in a recent work that, although
 self-published, is written to a high stand-
 ard and is of considerable interest, Wilhelm
 Reich and the Cold War, by Jim Martin.
 For information, see flatlandbooks.com.)

     But Romerstein handles this revelation-
 which, although significant, has very
 little to do with Venona-in a sloppy
 and incomplete way because such epi-
 sodes, and indeed, Venona itself, are
 not what really interests him. Romerstein
 is a man of obsessions, and his obsessions
 are familiar to Nation readers.  The main
 example in this book involves his crusade
 to incriminate the journalist I.F. Stone as
 a Soviet spy.
    Romerstein has previously been burned
 by this topic [see D.D. Guttenplan, "Izzy an
 Agent?" August 3/10, 1992; Romerstein's
 letter in response and Guttenplan's "Stone
 Untumed," September 28, 1992; and Wal-
 ter Schneir and Miriam Schneir's "Stone
 Miscast," November 4, 1996].  But caution
 and precision are not his touchstones, as
 his argument on Stone exemplifies.
    As shown in the Venona messages,
 Stone rebuffed Soviet attempts to enlist
 him, although one Soviet report states that
 the journalist "would not be averse to hav-
 ing a supplementary income." However,
 there is no evidence that any money ever
 changed hands or that Stone was alluding
 to anything other than, for example, Soviet
 translation and publication of his work by
 the news agency TASS, which was the
 cover under which some agents in New
 York worked.  Haynes and Klehr dealt with
 Stone's appearance in these messages
 with laudable objectivity, declaring, "There
 is no evidence in Venona that Stone ever
 was recruited by the KGB."
    Yet Romerstein seems determined to
 smear Stone whether or not he can prove
 his charges.  According to him, an NKVD
 "business" relationship with Stone "worked
 out" when at the end of 1944 "a group of
 journalists, including Stone, provided [So-
 viet spy Vladimir] Pravdin with informa-
 tion" about US military plans in fighting
 the Germans.  At the end of the paragraph,
 Romerstein breezily admits that the jour-
 nalists in the group, aside from Stone, were
 not spies and did not know that Pravdin was
 a spy.  Nor is there any indication the infor-
 mation they transmitted was secret.
    Thus, there was nothing questionable
 about these American journalists briefing a
 Soviet colleague.  Still, according to Romer-
 stein, because "Stone knew ftill well" that
 Pravdin was a spy, the incident was "evi-
 dence that Stone was indeed a Soviet
 agent." But given that so many top Soviet
 representatives in America were spies, and
 that a considerable number of intelligent
 people knew this or took it for granted, what
 difference did it make?
    The remainder of Romerstein's sum-
 mary case against Stone consists of some
 garbled gossip by Russian retired spy
 Oleg Kalugin, which Kalugin himself dis-
 claimed, followed by an absurdly con-
 voluted and arbitrary argument.  Romer-
 stein points out that Soviet agents referred
 to Stone by the code alias "Blin," the Rus-
 sian word for pancake, from which the
 word "blintz" is derived.  He then notes
 that in 1951 Stone complained in a column
 that he would not be surprised to be ac-
 cused in the anti-Communist press of hav-
 ing been "smuggled in from Pinsk in a
 carton of blintzes." To Romerstein, this is
 not only a dead giveaway, it is the clincher.
    He writes, "Intelligence tradecraft re-
 quires that agents not know their code-
 names, but as Venona revealed, in a num-
 ber of cases it seems some did." He contin-
 ues, apparently on no evidence whatever,
 "Stone was one of them.  His inside joke
 was odd.  You might talk about smuggling
 something from Russia in a vodka- bottle
 or caviar jar or some other normal Soviet
 export, but blintzes?" Well, Izzy $tone was
 diminutive, but he wouldn't have fit in
 either a bottle of booze or a can of caviar.

    All this goes far beyond stretching the
 truth in the interest of ideology.  One
 could say that when inquisitors like
 Romerstein are reduced to deconstruct-
 ing wisecracks, Marx's famous transi-
 tion from tragedy to farce has come into full
 effect.  But the overall enterprise pursued
 by Romerstein remains both historically
 meretricious and socially evil, in that it
 obstructs meaningful debate on meaning-
 ful issues, of which the activities of Soviet
 secret agents in the West is certainly one.
    One might also dismiss Romerstein as
 a McCarthyite, but that would be a mistake.
 Romerstein is not a McCarthy-that is, a
 hysteric lashing out at perceived enemies.
 He is something worse: a Stalinist who
 changed sides and joined the West, without
 changing his essential mindset.  The fab-
 rication of arguments like those presented
 against I.F. Stone, based on attempts to read
 nonexistent significance into trivial details,
 is reminiscent of nothing so much as the
 Soviet demonization of Trotskyists, Men-
 sheviks, anarchists and other alleged coun-
 terrevolutionaries.  Indeed, this method is
 typically visible in the hallucinated docu-
 ments of the Moscow trials, in Chinese de-
 nunciations during the Cultural Revolution,
 in the interrogations practiced under Pol Pot
 in Cambodia, in American conspiracy liter-
 ature and, in the KGB canon, in the writings
 of Herbert Romerstein.
    Haynes and Klehr showed that Venona
 represents a documentary resource that his-
 torians of the twentieth-century left can ig-
 nore only at considerable risk.  Venona ma-
 terials interpreted as referring to the Rosen-
 bergs and Alger Hiss cannot be dismissed.
 More, the attempt by some historians to dis-
 credit the Venona communications as brag-
 ging and exaggeration by Soviet operatives
 runs up against a notable aspect of Soviet
 intelligence history.  The Russian security
 organs, unlike the US and British agencies,
 underwent a series of purges in the late
 1930s that can only be described as whole-
 sale massacres.

    The ferocity of these murderous cam-
 paigns impelled the most important
 defectors from Soviet service in the
 1930s to flee their fellow agents or "go
 private," in the parlance of the secret po-
 lice.  These included Ignacy Porecki, a k a
 Reiss, murdered within three months of his
 break with Stalin in 1937, and Lev Lazare-
 vich Feldbin, alias Aleksandr Orlov, who
 escaped to the United States and remained
 underground for more than a decade.  The
 "renegacy" of Whittaker Chambers was
 driven by physical fear, at the height of the
 purges, that he would be kidnapped and
 taken to Moscow for execution.  Other cases
 included that of the legendary Bolshevik
 diplomat and operative Fyodor Raskolni-
 kov, whojumped, fell or was thrown from
 a window to his death in France soon after
 his break, and, of course, the well-known
 Samuel Ginsberg, or Walter Krivitsky.
    Krivitsky, who had been a comrade of
 Reiss and Orlov, died in a Washington hotel
 room in 194 1, allegedly a suicide.  The case
 remains mysterious, and Haynes and Klehr
 employ great care in their comment on it:
 "There were some puzzling aspects to his
 death that suggested murder." But once
 again, Romerstein knows no hesitancy; he
 writes, offering no substantiation, "Krivit-
 sky was murdered."
    Given the fate of individuals like Reiss,
 emblematic of the thousands of agents
 purged and executed within Russia in the
 late 1930s, the suggestion that any Soviet
 operative would have engaged in false re-
 porting, which would have excited fatal
 suspicions in the higher ranks, is untenable
 if not surrealistic.
    However, there is a major lesson to be
 drawn from Venona that for political rea-
 sons has been somewhat underestimated
 by historians of both the right and the left.
 It involves the extraordinary energy Soviet
 agents all over the globe dedicated to the
 pursuit and persecution of dissident leffists,
 both Russian and foreign, American as well
 as Spanish, German and other.

    The extent of these obsessions is revealed
 in Venona not only by messages de-
 scribing infiltration and manipulation
 of the American Trotskyist movement
 but even more so by those attesting to
 Soviet surveillance of various political
 targets on Mexican soil.  The long list of en-
 emies is eloquently presented in a Venona
 communication from Moscow to Mexico
 City dated June 11, 1945, a few days be-
 fore a massive victory parade scheduled in
 Moscow to celebrate the end of World
 War 11.  This communique, sent simulta-
 neously to KGB stations in Algiers, Bo-
 gotd, Brussels, London, Montevideo, New
 York, Ottawa, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo,
 Washington and Zagreb, prohibits the is-
 suance of visas to any nondiplomatic for-
 eigner for a period of eleven days from
 June 15 to June 25.
    The communique additionally demands
 special vigilance to make sure that none of
 the following elements might utilize the
 occasion of the victory celebration to in-
 filtrate the Soviet Union "on terrorist mis-
 sions": White Russian 6migr6s, nationalists
 (that is, Ukrainians or Armenians), Trotsky-
 ists, Zionists, priests, veterans of the "na-
 tional legions" (presumably, foreign anti-
 Bolshevik forces during the Russian civil
 war), Mensheviks, Russian Constitutional
 Democrats and monarchists.  A later mes-
 sage demands a survey and analysis of the
 presence in Mexico City (no doubt ex-
 tremely marginal) of Russians, Ukrain-
 ians, Belarussians, Armenians, Georgians,
 mountain folk from the northern Caucasus,
 Central Asians and Balts who might have
 emigrated from the USSR.  One can only
 add that the life of a northern Caucasian
 mountaineer, say a Chechen or Daghestani,
 in Mexico City in 1945, is a topic to which
 only literature, and that of a high imagina-
 tive order, could possibly do justice.
    That the majority of these "anti-Soviet
 elements," such as Trotskyists, Menshe-
 viks, Constitutional Democrats and mon-
 archists, were, at that time, politically and
 organizationally on the edge of extinction,
 and that they had little or no presence in
 Mexico, to say nothing of Bogota or Mon-
 tevideo, seems to have been irrelevant to
 the KGB bosses in Moscow.  In any case,
 thousands of refugees from the Soviet
 Union had attempted to remain in Western
Europe, and some must have escaped to
the Western Hemisphere.  Polish exiles in
Mexico were followed and surveilled to
gauge the utility of clandestine operations
against them.  Nevertheless, the apprehen-
sions of Moscow regarding such minuscule
groups must appear absurdly exaggerated.
As an additional example, on February 2 1,
1945, Moscow commanded that the KGB
in Mexico City report on "the reaction in
Armenian circles," presumably in the cap-
ital, to a synod of the Armenian Orthodox
Church that had been held in the monastery
of Echmiadzin in Annenia.
    The irrational character of KGB orders
is especially obvious in the continued track-
ing of Natalya Ivanovna Sedova, the isolat-
ed and psychologically bereft widow of the
murdered Trotsky.  After the 1940 slaying,
Sedova lived for twenty more yearsjust out-
side Mexico City on Calle Viena in the little
house (a narrow and somewhat claustro-
phobic space that's more like a stone cabin)
that had been inhabited by the couple for a
year and a half before the killing.  Her circle
was small.  Apart from Trotskyist militants
like the Mexican writer Manuel Femdndez
Grandizo (G.  Munis) and other exiles like
Victor Serge, Sedova received few visitors
and none of influence in the outside world.
Even so, the KGB maintained a rigorous
scrutiny over her activities.
    In general, few who have examined
KGB history have grasped how crucial the
harassment of dissident leftists was to its
mission.  For the pro-Washington faction,
only treason to the Stars and Stripes is
important; to their critics, it is replying
to the accusation of lack of patriotism in
the American Communist milieu.  In ad-
dition, the perception of KGB assassins
hunting down Trotskyists and social demo-
crats clashes with the sentimental idea of
"the family of the left."

    Romerstein has grasped some of the irony
of this situation, but he applies to it his
usual sloppiness.  He asserts that aside
from Sedova and their son, Leon Sedov,
who was murdered in Paris in 1938,
"the rest of Trotsky's family, with the ex-
ception of his young grandson, had all been
killed or forced to commit suicide in
Stalin's USSR." This is inaccurate, as any-
one knowledgeable about post-Gorbachev
Russian journalism and historiography
should know.
    One of Trotsky's grandchildren, who
lives in Mexico today under the name Es-
teban Volkov, but who was bom Vsevolod
and is also known as Seva, had a sister,
Alexandra, who remained in Russia and
died of cancer in 1988.  They were children
of Trotsky's elder daughter, Zinaida, who
 committed suicide in Berlin, not in Russia
 after a nervous breakdown.  But they also
 had two cousins, the offspring of Trotsky's
 other daughter, Nina, who succumbed to
 tuberculosis in 1928.  None of this third
 eration are known to have "been killed or
 forced to commit suicide." Numerous simi-
 lar gaffes appear in this book.
    Trotskyists were "polecats" in the
 Venona code vocabulary.  This was not the
 only example of such insults; Zionists
 referred to as "rats." This is unpleasant
 enough; but once again Romerstein ups
 ante.  On the dust jacket and in the book's
 text and footnotes, it is asserted that "the
 code word 'Rats' was used by NKVD both
 for Jews, generally, and for the Zionists....
 They considered all Jews 'Jewish nation
 alists,' i.e., Zionists, and even distrusts
 the small group of Jewish Communists.'
    Unfortunately for Romerstein, there is
 not a single example in Venona that I'm
 aware of-and I've reviewed much of
 material for books and articles of my own-
 of the use of "rat" to refer to Jews in general.
 And regardless of how few Communist
 were Jewish in the longer run of history
 the roster of KGB agents of Jewish origin
 speaking to one another in Venona is, sadly
 pretty long.  They include, among a great
 many others, Gen.  Naum Eitingon, organ
 izer of the attack on Trotsky ("Tom'); Grig
 ory Kheifitz ("Kharon"), who was KG
 "rezident" (local chief) in San Francisco
 and one of the most assiduous and dead
 ly of all Soviet spies, Mark Zborowsk
 ("Tulip").  An accomplice in the murder of
 Ignacy Reiss, betrayer of Leon Sedov an
 co-conspirator in numerous other crimes
 Zborowski reinvented himself in America
 as a medical anthropologist.  It is difficult
 imagine Moscow referring to any of these
 valuable assets as "rats," even though
 of them were purged under Khrushchev
 imprisoned after the elimination of their
 master, Lavrenti Beria.
    Stalinism remains among the most horri-
 fying features of the twentieth century.  Mil-
 lions of innocents were killed, and million
 of idealists were used and destroyed
 the original, honorable socialist and labor
 movements were often profoundly under-
 mined and in certain cases wrecked.  Some
 of the countries that lived under Stalinist
 regimes may not recover for generations.
 To distort and exploit this tragedy for
 ideological goal, either leftist or rightist, i
 as distasteful as it is in the case of the Jew
 ish Holocaust.  Herbert Romerstein, like
 David Horowitz and others of their cohort
 is, to recall a phrase from the 1960s, part of
 the problem, not part of the solution.

Stephen Schwartz lived for the past eighteen
 months in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo
 working as a freelance journalist and consul-
 tant on press-freedom issues, labor reform and
 interreligious affairs.  His latest book, Intel-
 lectuals and Assassins, was just published by
 Anthem Press in Britain.


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