-Caveat Lector-

Voting Wrongs

<http://www.inthesetimes.com/web2504/muwakkil2504.html>

Blacks Won't Forget How Bush Got Elected

by Salim Muwakkil

The Supreme Court ruling that handed George W. Bush the
presidency has triggered an explosion of fury among African-Americans that
took many pundits by surprise. And many have yet to fully fathom the depth
of black America's outrage.
The intensity of the response is being fueled by a combination of factors,
but the primary bone of contention is the issue of vote suppression.
Widespread charges that Florida's black vote was systematically suppressed,
combined with the Supreme Court's ruling to stop counting untallied votes
served to remind black Americans that a hard-fought right they supposedly
received 35 years ago is still up for grabs.
Blacks' heightened sensitivity to issues of vote suppression should
be understandable; their disenfranchisement was status quo until a
long and bloody struggle produced the 1965 Voting Rights Act.
Anxiety about vanishing voting rights was on full display two years ago when
a false rumor sprinted through the African-American community warning that
blacks would lose the right to vote when the Voting Rights Act expires in 2007.
Black-oriented talk radio shows and Internet chat rooms were awash in fearful
projections of our dire, voteless future.
The fearful notion that white Americans can totally disenfranchise black
Americans at a moment's notice may be irrational, but it's a fear deeply
rooted in the African-American experience. Thus, the shenanigans in Florida
struck an ominous chord in black America.  "There is a radical difference
between the way whites and blacks perceived the election," notes David
Bositis, a senior political analyst for the Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies, a Washington think tank that focuses on issues of special
concern to blacks. "Black voters are very angry for the most part. In their
minds, the election was stolen by Jeb Bush, by George W. Bush and by the
Supreme Court. That sentiment is widespread, and I don't think this will be
soon forgotten."
The Supreme Court's focus on the equal protection clause of the 14th
Amendment to the Constitution added another dimension of insult to the
controversy for African-Americans. The amendment (one of the
Reconstruction-era amendments, along with the 13th and the 15th) was added
following the Civil War to expand constitutional protection to former slaves
and their progeny. How perverse it is that the nation's top court would now
utilize a clause in this amendment to help suppress the votes of the very
citizens it was designed to protect. That perversity was given an ironic
twist by the silence of Justice Clarence Thomas during the Supreme Court
hearings. The lone black member of the court said nothing even to
acknowledge the fear and anger of an African-American community still
wounded by a history of political exclusion.
Many commentators have questioned the Supreme Court ruling on grounds that
it was inconsistent, even contradictory, in its reasoning.  But reports have
emerged that raise serious questions about the Justices' conflicts of
interest. Thomas' wife Virginia has been head-hunting for the Bush campaign
in her capacities as an employee of the Heritage Foundation, a conservative
think tank. An article in the December 25 issue of Newsweek reports that
Justice Sandra Day O'Connor was visibly upset during an election-night party
when she heard Florida was first called for Vice President Al Gore. The
article notes that her husband said they had planned to move back to Arizona
and retire, but that she could not retire and allow Gore to appoint a
Democrat. Furthermore, two of Justice Antonin Scalia's sons, Eugene and
John, work for law firms that represented Bush in the Florida dispute.
"The Supreme Court crowned Bush president by their politics, not the people
by their votes," the Rev. Jesse Jackson told In These Times. "That's
undemocratic on its face. But while the political campaign is over, the
civil rights struggle to protect the franchise of our vote will continue."
Jackson, who has been a leading figure in the protest surrounding the
Florida imbroglio, is planning a series of rallies protesting the actions of
Florida election officials and the Supreme Court to be staged across the
country during Martin Luther King Day on January 15 and throughout the
following week. The protests will culminate with a large demonstration of
many groups during Bush's inaugural ceremony on January 20.
For many reactionary commentators, like Rush Limbaugh and Bill O'Reilly of
the proudly right-wing Fox News Channel, Jackson has become the focus of
slobbering anger. Although he has long served as the right-wing's bête noir,
his post-election activities have infuriated conservative pundits like
nothing in recent years. But Jackson is not the only villain of their story.
Right-wing commentators criticized black leadership in general for
demonizing Bush.
The harshest criticism has been directed at a political ad produced by the
NAACP that recalled the 1998 murder of James Byrd Jr., who was killed when
two white men dragged him from the back of a truck until his body was torn
apart. The NAACP ad featured the voice of Byrd's daughter who said: "When
Gov. George W. Bush refused to support hate-crimes legislation, it was like
my father was killed all over again." The ad was condemned as too strong
even by sympathetic Democrats, but NAACP executive director Kweisi Mfume
argued that it was an accurate reflection of the Byrd family's feelings.
It certainly proved to be an effective tool in helping to mobilize the black
vote. Nine out of 10 African-Americans voted for Gore, an even higher
percentage than for Bill Clinton, who was enormously popular among blacks.
Even in Florida, where African-Americans make up 13 percent of the
electorate, the black vote was 16 percent of the total in this election.
Figures on black turnout were comparably high across the country. Political
analysts cite the large black turnout for ensuring Democratic senatorial
victories in Missouri, Pennsylvania, New York and Michigan.
After this belligerent political season, black activists and political
leaders are busily preparing an agenda framed by a Bush administration. The
Congressional Black Caucus, chaired by Rep.  Eddie Bernice Johnson
(D-Texas), has already declared its solidarity with those civil rights
groups demanding an investigation of vote suppression in Florida. "There
will be a far-reaching emphasis on justice in the caucus," says Johnson
spokesman Cedric Mobley, "starting with voting rights, ensuring that every
vote counts, and ensuring that we never ever have a situation like we have
nowwhere attempts to harass and intimidate minority voters went
unchallenged, and where antiquated voting equipment and ballots make it
impossible for people to cast legitimate votes."
Events surrounding election 2000 have energized the African-American
community and many activists see an opportunity to jump-start the stalled
but still necessary black freedom movement. With Republicans in control of
the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, black
organizers have their work cut out for them. Pundits who are not blinded by
the sweat of ideological fervor understand that Jesse Jackson's
post-election rhetoric was not just a product of his own hyperbolic
tendencies, but an accurate reflection of black Americans' justifiable
anger. He understands that African-Americans' anger must be channeled into
political challenges to GOP hegemony in the 2002 elections. Black leadership
undoubtedly will find it difficult to maintain this emotional intensity for
two years, but the judicial coup that gave America President Bush has made
the job significantly easier.

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