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The Weekly Defense Monitor
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VOLUME 5, ISSUE #3 January 18, 2001
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Reflections on the Clinton Presidency: The Arms Trade
Rachel Stohl, Senior Analyst, [EMAIL PROTECTED]
During the 1992 presidential campaign, then-Governor Bill Clinton faced
criticism for his lack of military service and so-called "draft-dodging"
during the Vietnam War. At the time Clinton pledged his commitment to a
strong military and support for the defense industry. Nine years later,
Clinton has done more than prove he was no "dove" and has severely
overcompensated for his lack of military experience. In fact, the Clinton
administration became patrons of the defense establishment. Nowhere is
this more apparent than on conventional arms trade issues.
On the Arms Trade
The Clinton years marked the unmitigated dominance of the United States in
the arms export market. The U.S. is the world's number one arms exporter
in arms deals to both the developed and developing world. The dollar value
of U.S. arms sales has been in the billions of dollars since the end of
the Gulf War, and the percentage of the U.S. share of the total arms
market is rising as well. For the foreseeable future, the United States
will remain unchallenged in its control of the arms market. Not only has
the Clinton administration approved an enormous number of arms licenses,
it has supported major reforms making it even easier for the both the
government and private industry to export U.S. weapons. In 1995 the
Clinton Administration added domestic economic considerations to the list
of criteria for approving weapons exports. At the same time, the
U.S. administration has opposed efforts to create a "Code of Conduct"
governing countries eligible to receive U.S. weapons based on criteria
such as human rights and democracy. Only a congressional mandate pushed
the administration to begin negotiating a multilateral agreement on norms
and principles for international arms transfers.
On Defense Export Reform
Although the U.S. share of the arms market remains unchallenged, the
Clinton administration has been eager to enhance the ability of the United
States to do business abroad. In May 2000, President Clinton approved
seventeen proposals concerning U.S. arms export policy as part of the
Defense Trade Security Initiative (DTSI), the first significant change in
U.S. arms export policy since the end of the Cold War. DTSI, which applies
to the United States' closest allies -- NATO countries, Australia, and
Japan -- will streamline the export licensing process and reduce the time
necessary for industry to obtain permission to export U.S. weaponry abroad.
Licenses for entire weapons systems will be granted under the new system,
removing the need to reapply for licenses for extra components. Licenses
will be valid for eight years instead of the current four years. Licenses
for NATO efforts including those under the Defense Capabilities
Initiative (DCI) will be given expedited reviews as well. The proposals
are "intended to expedite the export licensing process to improve
industrial competitiveness."
On Landmines
Early in Clinton's first term, the administration in general, and even the
President in particular, were leaders in the fight against anti-personnel
landmines. But after several high-profile anti-landmines speeches and
statements, the Clinton administration did an abrupt about-face, bowing to
pressure from military commanders and withdrawing its support for a global
ban on anti-personnel landmines. Today, not only does the United States
remain outside the community of nations dedicated to the prohibition of
the use of landmines, the United States continues to research and develop
weapon systems that would be banned under the Ottawa Landmines Treaty.
The U.S. commitment of joining the Ottawa Treaty in 2006 seems increasingly
more unlikely, as the United States remains dedicated to using landmines
in Korea and in any other situation where they are seen as militarily
"necessary."
On Small Arms
The United States has become actively engaged in the small arms issue even
though this issue has been on the international agenda for only the past
five years. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright made several important
policy speeches on small arms and proposed limiting the trade of small
arms to regions of conflict in Africa. However, none of these policies
have been incorporated into law or statute. The administration has focused
on ways to reduce the illicit trade in small arms, such as regulating
brokering activities. However, when negotiating international agreements
on small arms controls, the U.S. government has been heavily influenced by
the National Rifle Association, making the State Department unwilling to
link civilian possession of small arms with international efforts to
control the proliferation of small arms.
On Child Soldiers
For six years, the Clinton administration opposed an international standard
on the use of children in combat that would raise the age for
participation, conscription, and recruitment in armed conflict from 15
to 18. The U.S. position came out of the U.S. desire to protect its use
and recruitment of 17 year olds in the U.S. armed forces. As the
negotiations on the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of
the Child on Children and Armed Conflict reached a critical stage, the
United States agreed to support such a treaty if recruitment ages were
raised to 16 or higher. The U.S. signed the resulting treaty in July 2000,
and it now awaits Senate ratification. Although the U.S. is not bound by
law to comply with the Treaty provisions until ratification is complete,
the Clinton administration has not upheld their commitment to the spirit
of the Treaty and has not put any measures in place to prevent under 18s
from being sent into combat.
Reflecting upon the last eight years, the missed opportunities to
implement lasting changes to U.S. conventional arms trade issues are
clear. The end of the Cold War (and Gulf War as well) left the United
States the world's only hegemon. As such, many nations looked to the
United States for leadership on solutions to the global challenges facing
the world today, including intra-state conflict, the deprivation of human
rights, economic inequality, etc. By promoting solutions that benefitted
the military-industrial complex, the United States failed to act in
defense of those too small and weak to defend themselves. Let us hope
that the next administration will act before it's too late.
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