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  PROMIS Trail Leads to
  Justice


  By Kelly Patricia O�Meara
  [EMAIL PROTECTED]


  Part III of Insight's inquiry into a secret investigation
  by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police into an
  alleged scheme to use modified U.S. software for
  high-level espionage.

  During an eight-month secret investigation in the United States last
  year by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), two of its top
  national-security investigators focused their probe on a former
  high-ranking Justice Department official alleged to have been involved
  in the theft of the PROMIS computer program. Subsequent
  modifications of this software are believed to have yielded secret
  backdoor access allowing widespread computer espionage.
         In this, the third of a four-part exclusive series, Insight
continues
  to follow Mounties Sean McDade and Randy Buffam as they pursue
  allegations that Canada�s intelligence and law-enforcement agencies
  have been operating the stolen version of PROMIS and that their
  most secret computer systems have, as a result, been compromised.
         Much of the investigation centered on two men � Michael
  Riconosciuto and Peter Videnieks. The former is a convicted felon
  who has claimed that he modified a stolen version of the
  Inslaw-developed PROMIS. The latter is the man fingered by
  Riconosciuto as a high-ranking Department of Justice official involved
  in the theft of the software.
         In Part II of this series (see �The Plot Thickens in PROMIS
  Affair,� Feb. 5), Insight took an in-depth look at Riconosciuto and
  allegations he has made involving PROMIS and other national and
  international intrigue, including development of a new line of guns and
  night-vision goggles and a joint venture between a little-known band
  of American Indians called the Cabazons and the Wackenhut Corp.,
  an international security firm. Other trails led to
  government-sanctioned drug deals and claims that another former
  Justice lawyer was involved with the Cali drug cartel.
         Riconosciuto�s stories had been dismissed by federal
  investigators, but the RCMP unearthed evidence that gave them
  credibility. What�s more, Insight confirmed that Riconosciuto had
  provided just such startlingly detailed information to an FBI agent well
  before it had become publicly known.
         For the Mounties, whose still-secret investigation continues, each
  layer they peeled back on Riconosciuto�s stories revealed a path to
  yet more information that might confirm their country�s worst fears:
  that key government computer systems were using stolen software
  that had been modified to allow complete access for espionage.
         In a 1991 affidavit to William and Nancy Hamilton, the owners
  of Inslaw who had developed PROMIS, Riconosciuto not only
  swore that he put the backdoors into a stolen version of the software
  but also claimed that Videnieks, the Department of Justice official
  who in the early 1980s oversaw the PROMIS-software contract,
  participated in the alleged scheme along with a man named Earl W.
  Brian. Both men, Riconosciuto swore under penalty of perjury, visited
  him often at the Cabazon/Wackenhut facilities.
         As with other Riconosciuto stories, the Mounties looked for
  confirmation and focused intensely on a U.S. Customs Service
  internal investigation of Videnieks, a contract specialist who was on
  loan from Customs. Customs conducted a two-and-a-half-year
  probe of Videnieks because of suspicion he had committed perjury in
  1992 while giving testimony in the trial of Riconosciuto, who had been
  arrested for drug offenses. In an attempt to enter the federal
  witness-protection program, Riconosciuto told federal investigators
  that he was set up on phony charges because of the affidavit he gave
  the Hamiltons.
         Videnieks has denied any knowledge of such schemes, the first
  time in sworn testimony during the Riconosciuto trial in Tacoma,
  Wash., in January 1992. Asked if he knew either Riconosciuto or
  Brian, and if he ever had been to the Wackenhut/Cabazon joint
  venture or heard of it, Videnieks responded, �No, I don�t. � No, I
  don�t. � No, I haven�t.� Customs soon thereafter launched a
  far-reaching internal-affairs investigation of Videnieks.
         However, it is allegations of government interference in the
  Videnieks case and contradictory conclusions about the basic facts in
  the legal saga surrounding the Hamiltons� allegations of official
  wrongdoing that the Mounties seem intent on clearing up. For
  instance, in a January 1988 decision by U.S. Bankruptcy Court Judge
  George Bason (Inslaw, Inc. v. United States of America and the
  United States Department of Justice), the jurist concluded that Justice
  Department and unnamed U.S. government officials �engaged in an
  outrageous, deceitful, fraudulent game of �cat and mouse,�
  demonstrating contempt for both the law and any principle of fair
  dealing.� These harsh words came at the end of a long trial in which
  Inslaw had filed for bankruptcy as a result of not being paid for its
  PROMIS-related work for Justice. This work was, in essence, to
  establish a computer-software system that could track the status of
  cases in all U.S. attorneys� offices and federal courts.
         Justice appealed Bason�s ruling and, in November 1989, U.S.
  District Court Judge William Bryant found in favor of Inslaw, stating:
  �It is not necessary to duplicate the bankruptcy court�s exhaustive
  findings of fact here. � There is convincing, perhaps compelling,
  support for the findings set forth by the bankruptcy court � [that] the
  government acted willfully and fraudulently to obtain property that it
  was not entitled to under the contract.�
         End of dispute, right? Wrong. For the Hamiltons the case has yet
  to be resolved since they have not been paid.
         While the Inslaw case wound its way through the courts,
  Congress also got into the act in the late 1980s as the House
  Judiciary Committee launched a far-reaching probe of its own. And in
  September 1992 it issued a report that forcefully stated that �there
  appears to be strong evidence, as indicated by the findings in two
  federal-court proceedings as well as by the committee investigation,
  that the Department of Justice acted willfully and fraudulently and
  took, converted and stole Inslaw�s ENHANCED PROMIS by
  trickery, fraud and deceit.� The reference to �ENHANCED
  PROMIS� was to a proprietary version the Hamiltons had developed
  that they alleged later was stolen by the government.
         The result of the Judiciary Committee report was that in 1993
  Attorney General William Barr appointed Nicholas J. Bua to
  investigate and prepare a report on the Inslaw matter. The results of
  this investigation, the Report of Special Counsel Nicholas J. Bua to
  the Attorney General of the United States Regarding the Allegations
  of Inslaw Inc., found: �There is no credible evidence to support the
  allegation that members of DOJ conspired with Earl Brian to obtain
  or distribute PROMIS software. There is woefully insufficient
  evidence to support the allegation that DOJ obtained an enhanced
  version of PROMIS through �fraud, trickery, and deceit� or that DOJ
  wrongfully distributed PROMIS within or outside of DOJ.�
         And still another Justice probe, launched by Attorney General
  Janet Reno when she took office, concluded in September 1994 that
  the Bua report was correct � there was nothing to the
  now-convoluted charges that PROMIS was stolen and sold illegally
  or that the Hamiltons were due any monies. Moreover, the Reno
  report concluded that Riconosciuto�s stories were not confirmable
  and that Videnieks was not involved in the alleged schemes laid out
  by the convicted felon.
         Canada also conducted a probe in the early 1990s and
  concluded that allegations concerning its use of a stolen version of
  PROMIS were lies. The Reno report affirmed Canada�s conclusions
  as well.
         So it was with great surprise that Insight learned last year about
  the secret RCMP investigation. McDade and Buffam were on the trail
  of PROMIS anew and were reviewing all the machinations that have
  accompanied this exotic story for more than a decade.
         It is unclear what sparked the Mounties� probe except that it
  involves Canada�s national security. And of keen interest to the
  RCMP investigators were Riconosciuto and Videnieks, two men
  concerning whom the Mounties spent considerable time, money and
  effort to secure information about their alleged roles in the theft of the
  PROMIS software. In dozens of interviews with those who came in
  contact with McDade and Buffam, Insight has pieced together the
  trail the Mounties blazed in the United States from coast to coast.
  Clearly, as they told others, they did not believe the official U.S. and
  Canadian reports and conclusions. And, McDade reportedly told
  people many officials in both governments had indeed lied, cheated
  and covered up a significant and dark story.
         Insight has learned the two RCMP investigators plumbed the old
  Customs probe of Videnieks, the former DOJ official who was
  investigated for possible perjury. And what the Mounties found,
  according to some of those they interviewed, very well could confirm
  Riconosciuto�s claim that he knew Videnieks.
         For example, months before McDade and Buffam came looking
  for answers in the United States, they had established a working
  relationship with John Belton, a Canadian living in Ontario who had
  become involved with PROMIS as a result of a 1980s
  securities-fraud scheme in Canada allegedly involving Earl Brian and
  companies he owned or controlled, such as Hadron Inc., Clinical
  Sciences Inc., Biotech Capital Corp. (renamed Infotechnology Corp.
  in 1987); and American Systology Inc. Belton�s securities-fraud
  claims resulted in a 1986 RCMP investigation and civil litigation that
  are ongoing today.
         Belton, who met in person with the RCMP investigators at least
  31 times and talked on the telephone with them dozens more,
  reportedly steered the Mounties to previously unknown information
  involving the Customs probe of Videnieks. And this led McDade to
  Scott Lawrence, the agent in Customs� Boston office who was in
  charge of the investigation of Videnieks. What information Lawrence
  may have passed along to McDade is anyone�s guess, as neither
  Lawrence nor the Mountie will say. But Insight has confirmed
  Lawrence and McDade talked. And, based on documents obtained
  by Insight concerning the Customs probe, the investigation was
  wide-ranging in its subpoena request.
         For example, according to a Nov. 15, 1993, letter to Justice
  Department Assistant Attorney General John Dwyer from
  Lawrence�s boss, John T. Kelly, Customs� acting regional director in
  Boston: �Concerning the Peter Videnieks investigation, I believe that
  to properly complete this investigation, the assistance of federal grand
  juries in a number of locations will be required.� Locations of the
  requested grand juries included Seattle, the District of Columbia and
  the Northern District of Illinois. And the purpose of impaneling these
  grand juries was, according to the Kelly letter, to obtain testimony
  and documents from about 22 people connected to the Inslaw/
  PROMIS affair, as well as the CIA and the Wackenhut Corp. How
  this tied in to a simple case of suspected perjury by Videnieks is
  unknown.
         A former high-ranking federal law-enforcement official told
  Insight that �Videnieks was under investigation by an internal-affairs
  unit at the Customs Service and that the investigation, which included
  other matters, centered on an allegation that Videnieks committed
  perjury at the 1992 trial of Michael Riconosciuto.� According to this
  source, �Customs� internal affairs ultimately dropped the probe
  because Videnieks no longer was an employee of the agency.�
         This former official, who asked not to be identified, further said
  that Kelly and Lawrence had tried unsuccessfully to get a
  Boston-based U.S. attorney on the case but failed. Main Justice got
  involved because of its then-ongoing probe into Inslaw that Reno
  ordered. Kelly had hoped that main Justice would authorize the
  requested grand juries but, ultimately, he was told to seek authority
  elsewhere; impaneling the three grand juries would not be authorized
  by Washington. Finally, after many attempts, Customs dropped the
  case because Videnieks no longer worked for the agency.
         To Jimmy Rothstein, a retired New York City policeman who
  worked with Kelly on the Videnieks matter, that�s not quite what
  happened. The investigation came to a dead end �right after
  Lawrence interviewed Alexander Haig,� Rothstein tells Insight. �I was
  sitting in an Irish pub in Boston with Tim Kelly,� he explains, �and we
  were waiting for the call from Lawrence. The thing got shut down.
  Tim Kelly responded by saying, �They ain�t gonna screw my guys
  over.� Nothing ever came of it, though, and I told them this from the
  beginning.�
         Why Haig, a former secretary of state, White House official and
  Army general would be interviewed as part of a Customs
  investigation could not be established. Haig couldn�t be reached for
  comment.
         Videnieks long has denied any involvement with Riconosciuto or
  Earl Brian, or being involved in any conspiracy or illegal scheme to
  sell or convert the PROMIS software. In a brief telephone interview
  with Insight, Videnieks recently claimed that he couldn�t recall the
  specifics of the investigation by Customs but warned that Insight �had
  better get the story right or I�ll have my attorneys up to see you.�
         Because Customs agents Lawrence and Kelly have declined
  Insight�s requests for interviews, it�s difficult to know the ins and outs
  of their probe, let alone what they found to prove or disprove the
  allegations of perjury. However, this much is clear: Videnieks� denials
  never have been contradicted. And, as a result, this key portion of
  Riconosciuto�s claims remains in question. But, as Insight reported in
  Part II of this series, other Riconosciuto stories appear to have been
  confirmed by the RCMP investigators and by documentary evidence
  obtained by this magazine.
         This may explain why the Mounties spent so much time on the
  portions of Riconosciuto�s claims involving Videnieks. If they could
  show the alleged links did exist, that might begin to unravel a string of
  deception that could lead to the highest levels of the U.S. and
  Canadian governments. Belton kept copious notes of the
  conversations he had with the RCMP investigators. In one such note,
  dated June 8, 2000, Belton wrote that McDade told him �the �Drug
  Tug� captain Calvin Robinson was the Videnieks driver to the
  Cabazon � ties to Earl Brian and Michael Riconosciuto.�
         This was followed by a June 16, 2000, notation about McDade
  informing Belton that �they [McDade and Buffam] have determined a
  second material definitive connection between Peter Videnieks and
  Michael Riconosciuto. � �Drug Tug� captain Calvin Robinson �
  Videnieks has always denied an association with Michael
  Riconosciuto. I confirmed it, I can put Videnieks with Michael
  Riconosciuto now.�
         The reference to the �Drug Tug� concerns the 1988 seizure of a
  barge hauling 157 tons of hashish and marijuana into San Francisco
  Bay. The skipper of the boat was Calvin Robinson, a man who long
  has maintained that he and his company were the victims of a
  government setup. According to Belton, �Sean told me that he
  interviewed Calvin Robinson and that Robinson was the driver for
  Peter Videnieks to the Cabazon Indian Reservation.�
         This is about what McDade also told Inslaw�s Bill Hamilton in
  one of many conversations, also noted for the record. �McDade said
  that he could prove that Videnieks committed perjury when he
  testified against Riconosciuto, that he had interviewed the man who
  drove Videnieks to the reservation,� Hamilton recalls.
         Then there�s Harry Ma


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