-Caveat Lector-

Will the Democrats Decide to Get Mad or Get Even?

<http://www.nytimes.com/2001/02/04/weekinreview/04BERK.html?pagewanted=1?ex=982261218&ei=1&en=47b2f6b1585d7fdd>


By RICHARD L. BERKE
February 4, 2001
WASHINGTON

IT is no accident that the first lapel buttons to sell out at a gathering
here this weekend of
Democratic officials from around the country proclaimed: "Re-elect Al Gore
in 2004." Or that Terry McAuliffe, in his pitch to party members to crown
him the new Democratic chairman, declared that he was driven to run because
"I'm a little outraged about the last election. I'm a little angry."
Outside Washington, people are more than a little angry. Veteran Democratic
organizers say they have not seen such vehemence against a Republican
president since at least Richard M. Nixon.
Hard-core Democratic activists are seething.  They screamed (some even
cried) at the inauguration out of sheer frustration, and they believe
President Bush stole the presidency. They will never view him as legitimate.
"Conservatives have been the road-rage crowd, and liberals tend to work
things out," said Robert L. Borosage, co-director of the Campaign for
America's Future, a liberal research group. "This time, the liberals are
enraged. You'll see people erupting in ways that they wouldn't normally."
If anything, they grew angrier still when the man with no mandate (in their
view) nominated the deeply conservative John Ashcroft as attorney general
and Gale A. Norton to head the Interior Department  both confirmed last
week  and moved to restrict abortion.
In fact, said Senator Paul Wellstone, a liberal from Minnesota, "The
intensity of the opposition to Ashcroft was based directly on Florida, no
question about it."
This fury can be hard to detect in Washington, where, Mr. Ashcroft aside,
every day brings more images of cheery Democrats embracing Mr. Bush
(literally and figuratively), of the Kennedys trooping to the White House
to watch a movie in the family theater or of Mr. Bush crashing Democratic
caucus retreats, to the evident delight of all present.
Out in the country, too, most Democrats have seemed to have moved on.
Philip Clapp, who heads the National Environmental Trust, said that he
recently spent eight hours observing focus groups of swing voters in
Seattle and Sioux Falls, S.D. Though the conversations were about the new
president, Mr. Clapp said no one mentioned the election debacle not once.
But not everyone is over it. A small, fervent faction from the Democratic
Party's most liberal constituencies is deeply angered. Polls and anecdotal
evidence suggest this feeling is centered among African-Americans, who
insist that they were discouraged from voting or that their ballots were
not counted last November. Their outrage, which can also be found in other
core liberal constituencies like labor, abortion rights activists and
environmentalists, run so deep that it could potentially move the center of
gravity of the entire party.
The influence of angry Democrats could be considerable because their
numbers almost by definition include some of the party's most committed
grass roots organizers.
AN obvious outlet for such feeling is electoral reform. Mr. McAuliffe, for
one, said in an interview that the party will hold "voter intimidation
hearings all over the country." But many Democrats said they will not be
content merely to clean up elections.
"For those of us of color, this resurrects poll taxes, and how people have
been lynched to keep them from voting," said Mayor Dennis Archer of
Detroit. His lingering feelings about the election, he said, remind him of
"how I felt about the assassination of Martin Luther King."
A similar militancy was noted by Amy Isaacs, national director of Americans
for Democratic Action, a liberal group, who said, "The last time we
couldn't answer our phones fast enough was when Reagan was elected."
This fiery partisanship and sense of injustice contrasts starkly with the
prevailing attitude on Capitol Hill. Though Democrats here insist they are
not timid about taking on the administration, particularly over Supreme
Court nominations, the general view seems to be that like it or not,
Democrats know they have to work with Republicans to pass legislation to
appropriate money for Democratic projects.
In finessing the Ashcroft slugfest, Senator Tom Daschle, the Democratic
leader, tried a strategy of holding firm but not too firm. He showed that
Democrats would not back down from a fight, but would resist trying to
filibuster the vote  and appearing needlessly obstinate.
"There's a risk that Democrats who are not sharing the anger and dismay
could find themselves disaffected from big pieces of the base of the
party," said Tony Podesta, a Democratic strategist. "But if the base of the
party is angry with Republicans and working day and night to vindicate
through the midterm elections what was taken away from them in the election
last year, that could be good for the Democrats."
It's a tough juggling act, Mr. Wellstone said. His party must try to show
good faith in working with the president, while not entirely accepting his
presidency.
"It's important not to confuse having face-to-face contact with the
president  which is good  with all is forgotten about Florida and everybody
is fine," Mr. Wellstone said. "People my age are saying: 'We
fought the voting rights battle and we thought we won. But we didn't.' "
Paul Beck, a political scientist at Ohio State University, said the
Democrats also need to avoid a post-Florida schism. The Vietnam War was a
lesson, he said. "Vietnam left very deep scars in the political world," he
said. "And in some ways deeply divided the party."
THE danger, Mr. Wellstone said, is if "the sense of betrayal is translated
into a politics of bitterness, devoid of issues." The public, he said,
"would recoil at that."
But if activists become discouraged by Democrats in Washington, finding
them too accommodating to Mr. Bush, they could become alienated from
traditional party politics.
The first half of the last century was dominated by party-centered
politics. Then came candidate-centered politics. Now, some foresee an era
where the power moves to activists, who create local coalitions around
specific issues. That could happen because, with the rise of the Internet,
activists have far greater access to communication and organizing
tools  and no longer have to rely on help from campaigns or party committees.
"This could fuel the development of a new era of issue-centered politics,
where people are exercising their political views through advocacy groups
around issues they care about," said Dan Carol, a Democratic strategist who
commutes between offices here and in Eugene, Ore.
Specifically, some of the activists fret that the more that Democrats play
up to Mr. Bush, they more they will legitimize him as president. Some are
also frustrated, already, that Democrats in Washington did not try to
defeat the Ashcroft and Norton nominations, whatever the cost.
"George Bush barely won, if he won at all," Mr. Carol said. "He shouldn't
get every one of his cabinet picks." He described Congressional Democrats
as having a "weenie problem," meaning that they are afraid to stand up for
themselves.
As both Democrats and Republicans cast themselves as centrists, the
emergence of these activists could create new problems for the Democrats by
yanking the party to the left. It is equally possible, despite all their
passion and organizational ingenuity, that the angry activists may find
themselves on the fringes of the party.
"Bush is activating the Democratic base in a way we never imagined," said
Tony Coelho, a former congressman from California and chairman of Mr.
Gore's campaign in the primaries.
That may be true, but the two major parties have always preferred that
their bases follow the leaders, rather than the other way around. So the
question is whether these energized Democrats will take their cue from
Washington, or take their party in a new direction.

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