-Caveat Lector-

<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A16349-2001Mar2.html>

'Humanitarianism' Cited in Clemency for Lawyer

By John Mintz
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, March 3, 2001; Page A02

Harvey Weinig would not seem to be an obvious candidate for
presidential clemency. The Manhattan lawyer had pleaded guilty to
participating in one of the largest drug money-laundering cases
in New York history -- helping the Cali cartel -- and had even
played a small role in a kidnapping.

But Weinig's name was on the list of 176 people who were pardoned
or had sentences commuted by President Clinton on his last day in
office. It was no random selection, either -- a former Clinton
aide who is a Weinig relative had put in a good word for him with
top administration officials in the president's waning days, and
a lawyer who had represented many administration officials was
hired to press his case.

Weinig's situation has been lost in the shuffle of more
controversial pardons, such as that of fugitive financier Marc
Rich. But the president's grant of clemency to Weinig -- who had
his sentence commuted after serving five years of an 11-year
prison term -- shows that, as in the more celebrated case, access
to the White House can make a critical difference.

The U.S. attorney's office in New York that had prosecuted Weinig
bitterly opposed the commutation, and officials at the Justice
Department's headquarters here weighed in against it as well.

People familiar with the White House deliberations say the
president was swayed by a packet of materials prepared by
Weinig's lawyer that described in detail the emotionally
shattering impact his imprisonment had on his family, in
particular his two teenage sons.

"There's no question the president was moved by arguments of
humanitarianism," said Reid Weingarten, Weinig's attorney. "A
commutation of Harvey Weinig's sentence was justified."

Sentenced in 1996 after pleading guilty to two counts in
connection with the money-laundering case, Weinig will now be
released in April from his cell at the federal prison in Fort
Dix, N.J.

The pardon has inflamed the Colombian public, which for years has
resented U.S. pressure that the Bogota government crack down on
cocaine dealers there. "This situation is quite disappointing and
delivers the wrong message," Alfonso Valdivieso, Colombia's
ambassador to the United Nations and a former top narcotics
prosecutor, said in a radio interview.

The U.S. prosecutors who investigated Weinig, led by U.S.
Attorney Mary Jo White in Manhattan, were also furious with
Clinton's commutation. Days later, they got the judge in the case
to unseal a document they had written for his sentencing five
years ago. It described Weinig's nonchalance upon learning that
one of his fellow conspirators had kidnapped a man to demand
payment of a debt. "Weinig's conduct, particularly as a lawyer,
was chilling," said the prosecutors' 1996 sentencing report.

Weinig's appeal certainly was helped by the easy access his
lawyer, Weingarten, enjoyed at the White House. Having
represented former agriculture secretary Mike Espy in his
corruption trial, and other high-ranking Clinton aides,
Weingarten knew many top administration officials. After
prosecutors shot down his clemency petition, he took it to White
House counsel Beth Nolan and deputy counsel Bruce Lindsey, one of
the president's closest friends.

But the strongest arguments for Weinig were advanced by David
Dreyer, who was deputy White House communications director in
Clinton's first term and was later a top aide to Treasury
Secretary Robert E. Rubin. Weinig is Dreyer's cousin by marriage,
and the two have been close for years. He spoke about his
relative to Nolan and John D. Podesta, Clinton's chief of staff.

Former White House officials say that like many other pardon
requests, the Weinig appeal set off a debate.

"It was done on the basis of a humanitarian plea that was made to
us by someone we knew who had rendered good public service and
was a relative of Mr. Weinig," Podesta said on NBC News's "Meet
the Press." "Some of the people in the office thought it was a
bad call, that it tilted the other way, but for me it was a close
call and, on a humanitarian basis, I recommended it to the
president, and he granted it."

"Harvey is a good person who was extremely involved in the lives
of his sons," said Dreyer, now a corporate consultant,
summarizing the arguments he made to his former colleagues. "No
one's saying Harvey didn't commit any crimes and didn't make any
mistakes."

Moreover, Dreyer and Weingarten noted that Weinig was less
involved in running the money-laundering ring than his two main
co-conspirators -- Weinig's former law partner, Robert Hirsch,
and a former firefighter, Richard Spence -- but that he received
a sentence almost four times longer than theirs.

Mark Goodman, who prosecuted Weinig, said: "It's wrong to say
Harvey was treated unfairly" because, unlike his two
confederates, he refused to help investigators when confronted.

Weinig and his partners launched their money-laundering scheme
for the Cali cocaine cartel in 1993, and soon the ring employed
dozens of people who picked up large bales of cash and deposited
them in banks. Among the employees were two Brooklyn rabbis, a
New York police officer who hid dollar bills in his police
station locker, and a Bulgarian diplomat. Prosecutors said they
moved more than $19 million in two years.

Weinig, Hirsch and Spence started stealing small sums of money,
and they lost more through incompetence. At about the time the
discrepancy totaled $2 million, the three realized that they
could be in trouble with their clients in Cali. So they decided
to fake Spence's indictment -- they sent a bogus court paper to
Colombia -- and explained to the drug dealers that he had been
imprisoned. But the Colombians didn't believe it, and federal
agents, who by this time were tapping the cocaine dealers'
telephones, heard them discussing plans to kill Hirsch.

Sensing a chance to scare Hirsch, agents disclosed their probe to
Hirsch, warned him he was in danger and persuaded him to start
wearing a recording device to tape conversations with his
partner, Weinig. Hirsch's cooperation and Spence's decision to
turn state's evidence were the reasons they got lighter terms.

At Weinig's sentencing, prosecutors cited an incident in which
Spence, unable to collect $237,000 from a man who had defrauded
him, had associates take the man to a hotel room for several days
until he agreed to sign over property to Spence as payment. On
recordings made by Hirsch, Weinig was heard describing the
kidnapping while it was underway. Weinig asked lawyers in his
office to oversee the property closing in which the victim signed
the property over to Spence.

U.S. District Judge Kevin Duffy said that on the tape Weinig
sounded "very flip," adding that this seemed inconsistent with
the lawyer's expressed love for his family. He sentenced Weinig
to the maximum, 11 years.

Attorneys for Weinig noted that if the government felt the
kidnapping was so grave, they shouldn't have let Spence, the
person who ordered it, get off so lightly.

Weinig's clemency appeal contained dozens of letters attesting to
his good character as a lawyer and as a parent before his
conviction -- for example, his years of free legal work for
indigent people and how he provided school tuition for poor
children. Other letters, from inmates and prison staff, described
his work tutoring prisoners and helping them with appeals.

But Weingarten said the most powerful arguments were details
about the suffering of his client's family -- which apparently
worked with Clinton. "I was touched by the plight of the
children," Weingarten said. "It's a very sad story."


© 2001 The Washington Post Company

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