-Caveat Lector-
This item is interesting but was not aware of Clinton connection to
Marcellos if this be true through his "family"....yet Clinton's name, is
not Clinton and there are stories that this Blythe was in Germany or
overseas in timeframe where he was declared father of William Jefferson
Clinton.
This Clinton evidenty has always been part of murder inc. and that is
why he has a longer body bag count than Jack the Ripper....Manchurian
Candidate? By their fruits you shall know them.
Have no way to verify this information and not familiiar with Roger
Morris credentials......are the people of America now so corrupted by
money they do not now care? Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton, Marc Reich aka
Rich and his wife who took 350 million dollar settlement in divorce?
Keeping in mind we have KGB in our FBI and in Kissinger, we have KGB
with us always (Kissinger, Code Name Bor Soviet Agent)......
What is Bill Clinton's real name? Bill Juke?
Saba
[EMAIL PROTECTED] Date: Thu, Mar 8, 2001, 10:01pm Subject:
ROGER MORRIS: Don't pardon corruption
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
<<
Clinton's 11th-hour pardons cap a seedy career that Americans
should be ashamed of, says biographer ROGER MORRIS
Wednesday, March 7, 2001
There is an emblematic moment at the start of Bill Clinton's
political life. It is January, 1974, and the 27-year-old future
president, only months out of Yale Law School, is back in Arkansas eager
to run for Congress. A relative unknown, he faces an imposing field of
rivals in the Democratic primary, and beyond, in the general election, a
powerful Republican incumbent. Yet as soon as he enters the race, Mr.
Clinton enjoys a decisive seven-to-one advantage in campaign funds over
the nearest Democratic competitor, and will spend twice as much as his
well-supported GOP opponent.
It begins with a quiet meeting at his mother's house in Hot
Springs. Around the kitchen table, as Virginia Clinton will describe the
scene, avid young Billy meets with two of his most crucial early backers
-- uncle Raymond G. Clinton, a prosperous local Buick dealer, and family
friend and wealthy businessman Gabe Crawford. As they talk, Mr. Crawford
offers the candidate unlimited use of his private plane, and uncle
Raymond not only provides several houses around the district to serve as
campaign headquarters, but will secure a $10,000 loan to Bill from the
First National Bank of Hot Springs -- an amount then equal to the yearly
income of many Arkansas families. Together, the money and aircraft and
other gifts, including thousands more in secret donations, will launch
Mr. Clinton in the most richly financed race in the annals of Arkansas
-- and ultimately onto the most richly financed political career in
American history.
Though he loses narrowly in 1974, his showing is so impressive,
especially in his capacity to attract such money and favours, that he
rises rapidly to become state attorney-general, then governor, and
eventually, with much the same backing and advantage, president of the
United States.
Those obscure origins have been a ghostly echo amid the pall of
scandal that now hangs over Mr. Clinton's last days in the White House.
The gush of lavish gifts from retainers, the fat contributions to the
Clinton presidential library, his legal defence fund, Mrs. Clinton's own
senatorial war chest, the favours to and from relatives and old friends,
and, of course, the notorious 11th-hour pardons of criminal financier
Marc Rich, drug kingpin Carlos Vignali and others whose allies variously
funnelled money to the Clintons: There is a sense in which we have seen
it all before, though a sense, too, in which most Americans still don't
grasp what they are looking at.
Around his mother's kitchen table that winter a quarter of a
century ago -- like so much that happened over the course and climax of
the Clinton presidency -- nothing was quite what it seemed. No mere
businessman with a spare plane, Gabe Crawford presided over a backroom
bookie operation that was one of Hot Springs' most lucrative criminal
enterprises. And just as Marc Rich, with his sordid international
trafficking from Manhattan to Tripoli, was no ordinary investor, the
inimitable uncle Raymond -- who had also played a pivotal
behind-the-scenes role in keeping young Bill out of the Vietnam draft --
was far more than an auto dealer. In the nationally prominent fount of
vice and corruption that was Hot Springs from the 1920s to the 1980s
(its barely concealed casinos generated more income than Las Vegas well
into the 1960s), the uncle's Buick agency and other businesses and real
estate were widely thought to be facades for illegal gambling, drug
money laundering and other ventures, in which Raymond was a partner. He
was a minion of the organized crime overlord who controlled the American
Middle South for decades, New Orleans boss Carlos Marcello or "Mafia
Kingfish" as his biographer John Davis called him.
It was in this milieu, this shadow, that Bill Clinton began his
climb to power, and from which, in a long, twisting line from Mr.
Crawford to Mr. Rich, uncle Raymond and Mr. Marcello to Mr. Vignali, he
has never really emerged.
Through it all, Mr. Clinton and his apologists, and even political
foes bound by their own ample corruption, would claim that there was no
evidence of any specific quid for the quo of all the provenance and
support -- when, in fact, the record would be filled with fix and
favour, and when in truth it was Mr. Clinton himself as political
virtuoso (and as blackmail-vulnerable sexual satyr) who was always the
quid his backers sought.
The shrouded pardons this January belong to a seedy history. As
Arkansas attorney-general, Mr. Clinton looked the other way from the
state's pervasive organized crime and corporate depredations. As
governor for a dozen years, he made the state a haven for speculators
and profiteers while its legendary poverty and inequity of income
deepened. He made the Arkansas Highway Department and Development
Finance Authority what one witness called "his own political piggy bank"
with millions in public funds funnelled to Clinton allies and ultimately
back into Clinton campaigns.
He and his relentlessly ambitious wife exploited his public office
for every possible personal enrichment to the furthest edges of the law.
He pardoned his long-time supporter and social intimate, Dan Lasater, a
fast-food and bond-market millionaire convicted on major drug charges
and with documented links to organized crime, who had protected for a
time Mr. Clinton's cocaine- addicted half-brother Roger, with whom the
then-governor himself had used cocaine according to several witnesses,
and whose own pardon from a 1984 narcotics-distribution conviction was
one of those final, furtive acts of the ex-president.
Not least, it was governor Clinton who likely tolerated and
concealed, perhaps even abetted, what we now know beyond any doubt --
from U.S. intelligence records, investigations by the House Banking
Committee, and private documents of the principal drug-runner, Barry
Seal -- was a major narcotics smuggling operation in the 1980s based in
part in Mena, in western Arkansas, in a profoundly corrupt episode
enmeshing the Central Intelligence Agency in its Iran-Contra
machinations, the Colombian drug cartels, and organized crime in the
United States.
As American editor Sam Smith summed it all up in a recent on-line
issue of the respected Progressive Review, "Clinton was raised by
mob-connected relatives and backed in his campaigns by members of the
Dixie Mafia -- including major drug traffickers. He used their cocaine,
appointed them, covered for them, looked the other way for them, partied
with them, cut deals with them, and now has pardoned some of them."
As for Mr. Clinton's comparable record then as president, the
story is still relatively less documented, though historians will have
much to examine. Well beyond the fiscal fixes for speculators in
America's now-burning-out boom, or the myriad favours in acts done and
undone for Mr. Clinton's more open corporate patrons from Wall Street to
the Las Vegas Strip, beyond even the exiting pardons, there are old
shadows.
The tracks run from American collusion with the Russian Mafia, to
quiet suppressions of law enforcement in the drug trade and its massive
money laundering pervading the U.S. banking system, to the soon-to-be
massively corrupt impact of the North American free-trade agreement,
known among officials for its Mexican dimension as "the North American
Free Trafficking Agreement."
Eventually, history will judge Mr. Clinton harshly, as one of the
most corrupt U.S. presidents. Meanwhile, his indomitable wife, with her
own little-known background, will be a force on the American scene, if
not accompanied by some reprise by Mr. Clinton himself as a mayor of New
York or in some other role. In any event, the reality of what they have
been and done will continue to cry out for an honesty and radical candor
not even most of their strongest critics have yet managed.
In the end, of course, the reflections they give back of a
nation's long-time heedlessness, surrender, and in many
cases complicity, will be ugly. Refusing to face the Clintons is a
national transgression from which there is, and should be, no pardon.
Award-winning historian Roger Morris wrote Partners in Power: The
Clintons and Their America. His new book, co-authored with his wife
Sally Denton, is The Money and The Power: The Making of Las Vegas and
Its Hold on America, to be published by Alfred A. Knopf on March 20.
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