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The
              Right Has Won?
(A Footnote on Jonah Goldberg)
by
              Steven Yates
Although
              I�ve followed the spat between National Review Online columnist Jonah
Goldberg and several of my fellow LewRockwell.com columnists,
              I�d been a nonparticipant. Nevertheless, Goldberg has been one of
              the many writers whose material I would read and print if he was
              writing on a topic I found interesting � including the article that
bashed LewRockwell.com by way of replying to David
              Dieteman, Myles
              Kantor and Gene
              Callahan. Goldberg attempted
              to produce a "conservative canon." But let�s face it: the list
              was flawed. While most of the books that were on Goldberg�s list
              belonged there, not listing Hayek�s major later works or anything
              by Mises was a blunder. Goldberg goofed in at least one major respect
              no one I know of has noticed: he omitted C.S. Lewis� The
              Abolition of Man, arguably one of the half-dozen most important
              books of the 20th century.
I
              confess that in Goldberg�s rejoinder to Dieteman, Cantor, and Callahan
              (as well as this
              week�s installment) I sense resentment more than anything else
              � resentment that folks out here in the boonies and hinterlands
              (here boonies and hinterlands mean: everywhere in
              the country but inside-the-beltway) would take up their word processors
              and criticize the work of someone in the "in crowd." This
              would help explain the references to "cat-kicking" libertarians
              who "spew Diet Coke out of their noses," etc., in response
              to what I thought was Dieteman�s sensible and level-headed explanation
              of why Hayek is not a conservative. Goldberg is dismissive of the
              whole enterprise of LewRockwell.com. We�re unimportant; no one reads
              us; no one has heard of us; we�re idiots, he insinuates in his most
              recent rejoinder; etc., etc. If this is true, then why did he bother
              replying � and then reply a second time? Could it be that he
              just doesn�t want the competition?
But
              none of this is why I took up my word processor here. The dispute
              led me to take another look at Goldberg�s recent columns, upon which
              I discovered another oddity that might shed some light on recent
              events. In a January
              column, Goldberg looked at an article in Lingua-Franca,
              a rather curious publication somewhere between The Chronicle
              of Higher Education and People (or was a few years ago;
              my subscription has since lapsed). Goldberg�s topic was a handful
              of folks who had allied themselves with the right, broadly conceived, 
and then, for whatever reason, lurched leftward. Examples: John
              Gray, David Brock (the latter being the author of The Real Anita
              Hill, still the definitive guide to the University of Oklahoma
              affirmative-action law professor whose infamous Coke can was instrumental
              in leftists� efforts to sabotage Clarence Thomas� Supreme Court
              nomination in 1991).
While
              reading this article, I came across the following statement: "After 
decades of war, the Right (broadly defined) has won (even more broadly defined). Over 
the course of the battle, and even more so in its
              aftermath, hordes of Leftists have migrated across the intellectual
              borderlands to the right. Meanwhile, a few dyspeptic and opportunistic
              tag-alongs and second lieutenants decide to double-back the other
              way, figuring the decimated and demoralized troops on the Left will
              eagerly promote them and offer them some hope of victory in the
              future."
Goldberg�s
              remark invoked some déjà vu of a different
              sort, memories of conversations about the right winning. Years ago
              I would listen to philosophy professors and various other 
intellectual-wannabes
              express fears of the coming take-over of what Hillary would later
              call the vast right-wing conspiracy. We were several years into
              the so-called Reagan Revolution, and according to this crowd, everything 
was moving right. I never took any of it seriously. Some of these
              rants were punctuated with references to offbeat sci-fi fantasies
              like The Handmaid�s Tale, perhaps the radical feminist�s ultimate
              nightmare but about as plausible as Lost in Space. (The latter
              at least used humor.)
Goldberg
              is telling us that something like this has actually happened? What, 
exactly, does it mean to say, the Right ("broadly defined")
              has won ("broadly defined"). How broad are our definitions
              here?
I
              speak as a writer who has observed and commented on the rise of
              political correctness since before it was called that. Some of the
              coffeehouse conversations just mentioned took place over 12 years
              ago. It was right around then that I began to marvel at how the
              beneficiaries of a multitude of political freebies expressed their
              gratitude by whining incessantly about how horrible they were treated.
              The system still wasn�t doing enough; their "gains" could
              all be stripped away in a flash. Then came the years of the disastrous
              Bush Sr. Administration that gave us the Civil Rights Act of 1991,
              the Americans With Disabilities Act and the Gulf War. The first
              two have been gold mines for leftists, lawyers and leftist lawyers.
              As for the third � even if one makes the (admittedly tall)
              assumption that we had any business in the Gulf in the first place,
              had this country fought World War II the way that war was fought,
              it would have ended with Hitler still in power.
The
              Right has won? Where, precisely? College and university campuses,
              during the 12 years since my first observations, became places where
              conservative students dare not state their views in class, whether
              the topic was affirmative action, abortion, or tax cuts. They justifiably
              fear not mere ridicule by their classmates but possible disciplinary
              action. They are routinely thrown off student newspapers. Tenured
              professors noted for such views have had their careers mangled by
              trumped up charges of "sexual harassment." A guilty-if-charged
              environment had developed in academia by 1993. Evidence was usually
              not much required because, after all, evidence is one of
              those logocentric, white male constructs instrumental in discrimination
              against and domination of all of Western culture�s victims.
Between
              the need by left-liberals to quash the rising criticism of affirmative 
action and with law schools and government bureaucracies having
              become hotbeds of radical left activism in their own right, political
              correctness quickly spread outward to the rest of society. It soon
              reached the point where restaurant chains such as Denny�s and large
              corporations such as Texaco were made into real victims of legal
              racial extortion. It is still going on. Right now, an independent
              restaurant owner and barbecue sauce entrepreneur here in South Carolina,
              Maurice Bessinger, about whom I have written previously,
              is struggling to keep his wholesale business afloat, having had
              his products banished from several large grocery chains. Left-liberals
              in the media and the National Association for the Advancement of
              Colored Politicians allege that certain tracts he sells in his 
restaurants
              are pro-slavery (they are not).
During
              the middle of the last decade, moreover, a militant homosexual-"rights" 
movement came of age. AIDS had become the first politically protected
              disease in human history. Billions of taxpayer dollars had already
              been funneled into efforts to find a cure, while homosexual men
              proclaimed their "right" to have unprotected sex with as many partners
              as they wanted. Increasingly, they were demanding affirmative-action
              favors. In 1994 I penned an article for a Christian scholarly journal,
              the Journal of Interdisciplinary
              Studies, predicting that if the militant push for "gay rights"
              continued, the expanding penumbra of collective grievances was on
              collision course with the religious liberties of Christians. As
              many recent events have shown, I was right. I don�t take any special
              pleasure in this. I would rather have been wrong.
Why
              this excursion into recent history? Isn�t all this stuff about political 
correctness now yesterday�s news? Of course it is, but it highlights
              those things that set the Goldbergs of the world of commentary apart
              from those of us out here in the boonies. They may have more readers
              than we do � though the click-throughs to LewRockwell.com from
              his articles indicate otherwise � and they certainly have better
              funding than we do (I doubt, for example, that Goldberg has to work
              at a day job to survive), but the National Review crowd clearly
              lives in an insulated and more-or-less closed universe. In this
              universe, the "good guys" won the Cold War and we can
              all celebrate the triumph of "capitalism." Free markets
              have triumphed! The economy is booming, and we�re all getting rich!
              In the neocon universe, obedience to political principles is of marginal 
importance at best and so libertarian "purism"
              simply isn�t needed. "In free societies," Goldberg lectures
              us making a truly peculiar reference, "we don�t have much use
              for Lenins." Or the freelance intellectuals who write for 
LewRockwell.com.
But
              out here, outside the in-the-beltway universe, I am often minding
              my own business, encounter this or that government intrusion into
              my affairs and find myself asking questions like: Do I own my life,
              or do I belong to the Almighty State? It is harder each year to
              do anything without producing your Social(ist) Security Number,
              which has become a de facto National ID number. While others
              are reading this I will probably be spending time accounting for
              every penny I earned this year to the IRS. Do I own the fruits of
              my labors, or do they, too, belong to the Almighty State? It is
              true that if I don�t like my job I can quit and find another one.
              However, I cannot refuse to fill out the reams of IRS and Immigration
              and Naturalization paperwork and still expect to be hired. Who owns
              the hiring process � the employer or the Almighty State? Should
              I attempt to start my own business there is again a ream of government
              paperwork to fill out, a license to acquire (and pay for), regulations
              to adhere to. Would I own my own business, or would this, too, exist
              at the discretion of the Almighty State and its bureaucratic drones?
              Suppose I want to marry my girlfriend and the feeling turns out
              to be mutual. More licenses, more regulations, changes in how the
              two of us answer to the tax man, etc. Driving to pick her up for
              a date I pass a billboard reading Buckle Up! It�s the Law! While I 
recognize that wearing a seat belt is a smart, safe thing
              to do, I�d rather think I was doing it because it was my idea and
              choice, not that of the Nanny State, telling me how to conduct myself in 
my own car � for which, incidentally, I also pay an annual
              tax for the privilege of driving.
Do
              you see the point of the question: in what sense is this a free
              society? Government is literally everywhere, always in our faces,
              always in our wallets, and always trying to expand its reach. Neocons
              either don�t notice or don�t mind.
I
              believe my main quarrel with the neocons is that they accept the
              expanding Almighty State. The neocon universe is, of course, in
              very close proximity to the centers of power emanating from the
              Washington Empire. They may be former socialists, but there was
              one aspect of socialism they never abandoned: comfort with 
centralization.
              Thus they made peace with the welfare-warfare state, as has 
in-the-beltway
              conservatism generally. They might utter "two cheers for capitalism"
              but wouldn�t be caught dead criticizing the Federal Reserve system,
              for example, or suspecting that the income tax doesn�t have the legal 
standing we�re assured by the government it has, or criticizing
              the Social Security system or setting out to abolish the U.S. Department
              of Education. In the comfortable in-the-beltway setting, it is almost
              as if no one notices the increments by which the Almighty State
              has increased its reach.
I
              should add that I am not advocating anarchism but limited
              government � government that stays within the boundaries
              assigned it by the Constitution. I can concede that as long as sin
              remains a factor in human behavior, some government will be necessary
              � and also specific limits on government, so that it deals
              only with certain sins in specific ways, while community ostracism
              and the marketplace itself deal with others. I mention this because
              the distinction between anarchism and limited government is literally
              lost on a lot of people smart enough to know better.
So
              in sum, Goldberg�s only evidence that "the Right has won"
              seems to be that a number of intellectuals over the past 20 years
              or so ceased to be communists or socialists and became neocons.
              Traffic in this direction in the circles in which he moves has been
              somewhat larger than the flow in the other direction.
To
              be sure, this movement has built up some intellectual firepower.
              But two points should be noted. (1) On the campuses are hundreds
              of fellow-travelers and footsoldiers going in the opposite direction.
              (2) With the Republican Party that nominated Bush Jr. sounding nothing
              like the Republican Party of 1992 or even 1996, it is unclear what,
              if anything, the conservatives Goldberg prefers are actually doing
              to advance the cause of liberty in this society? I raise this second 
question in light of the end of Goldberg�s latest
              rant against LewRockwell.com, where he tells us all: "The tendency
              of libertarians generally and the Rockwellites specifically, is
              to get so hung up on ideological hair-splitting and irrelevant and
              often lunatic sectarian squabbles that they let the world continue 
creeping in a direction they don�t like. Then, they have the unmitigated
              chutzpah to scream at conservatives and Republicans for not doing
              enough to stop the creep. This purist approach to politics is simply
              quite juvenile. Nobody cares in what direction you want the wagon
              to go if you won�t get out of it and help push."
I
              assure him we didn�t just "let the world continue" in this direction.
              Many of us have been sounding warnings for years, as I�ve noted.
              It is true that libertarians often quarrel too much amongst themselves
              over details, and that sometimes these quarrels assume more importance
              than they should. When you take ideas seriously, it happens. It
              is also true that many libertarians have a mixed view of conservatives;
              as a writer who senses the need for the Transcendent in society and in 
life generally, I see this as a sticking point for many libertarians.
              Many libertarians consider themselves Christians, not "bull-headed
              atheists" as I characterized them perhaps too harshly in a previous
              article (I had in mind some of the movements� academic and intellectual
              leaders, not the rank and file).
However,
              I see nothing wrong with what Goldberg calls the "purist approach"
              as at least a regulative ideal: this approach boils down to the
              idea that the federal government ought to recognize and obey its
              founding documents: the Declaration of Independence and the U.S.
              Constitution. Goldberg doesn�t think much of some of the topics
              taken up by LewRockwell.com writers, such as secession and Abraham
              Lincoln�s faults. Secession, however, backed up by both the willingness
              and the means to carry it out, is the ultimate check on the central 
power of a government. The Lincoln Administration put an end to
              all discussion of the idea until the libertarian intellectuals revived
              it and LewRockwell.com writers began discussing it (we are not,
              by the way, alone; such discussions are occurring all over the country).
              The Lincoln Administration therefore paved the way for the rise
              first of progressivism and social-activist government and then of
              the welfare-warfare state itself. This, in a nutshell, is why a
              number of LewRockwell.com writers took up the "Lincoln question."
              Nobody else would do it, and we�ve learned we certainly can�t expect
              the in-the-beltway crowd to do it.
So
              in rejoinder to Goldberg, let me add my voice to the chorus. We�re
              the competition, we�re willing to take the chances you in-the-beltway
              guys wouldn�t dream of taking, and we�re here to stay. This rather
              turns the tables: you are the one who is stuck with us. Get used
              to it. Truth be known, I�d rather have you as an ally. But you�re
              going to have to leave that beltway universe first, come down off
              the mountain and join us in the real world.
March
              10, 2000 Steven
              Yates has a Ph.D. in Philosophy and is the author of

 Civil
              Wrongs: What Went Wrong With Affirmative Action (ICS Press,
              1994). He is presently compiling selected essays into a single volume
              tentatively entitled View From the Gallery and a work on a second
              book, The Paradox of Liberty. He also writes for the Edgefield
              Journal, and is available for lectures. He lives in Columbia,
              South Carolina.
Copyright
              © 2001 LewRockwell.com

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The only real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking
new landscapes but in having new eyes. -Marcel Proust
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The libertarian therefore considers one of his prime educational
tasks is to spread the demystification and desanctification of the
State among its hapless subjects.  His task is to demonstrate
repeatedly and in depth that not only the emperor but even the
"democratic" State has no clothes; that all governments subsist
by exploitive rule over the public; and that such rule is the reverse
of objective necessity.  He strives to show that the existence of
taxation and the State necessarily sets up a class division between
the exploiting rulers and the exploited ruled.  He seeks to show that
the task of the court intellectuals who have always supported the State
has ever been to weave mystification in order to induce the public to
accept State rule and that these intellectuals obtain, in return, a
share in the power and pelf extracted by the rulers from their deluded
subjects.
[[For a New Liberty:  The Libertarian Manifesto, Murray N. Rothbard,
Fox & Wilkes, 1973, 1978, p. 25]]

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