-Caveat Lector-

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Robert Sterling
Editor, The Konformist
http://www.konformist.com


[EMAIL PROTECTED]

FRIDAY, MARCH 9, 2001
Indonesia's wars over riches

<http://www.csmonitor.com/durable/2001/03/09/p6s1.htm>

Despite efforts to be good corporate citizens, foreign companies are mired
in separatist conflicts.

By Dan Murphy
Special to The Christian Science Monitor

LHOKSEUMAWE, INDONESIA
The Aceh coffee is thick and sweet, the grounds sticking to the teeth the
way they like it here, as a tense group sips and talks in the thatched
shade of a cafe across from an ExxonMobil pump station.
One of the men, Sulaiman, gestures around the room: That quiet farmer on
the bench lost his father and a brother to Indonesian soldiers nine years
ago. Another man's motorcycle repair shop was burned by the military late
last year. A third says his uncle was disappeared.
Sulaiman suddenly chokes off his narrative. "You'd better go," he says. Out
in the tropical glare, two soldiers have noticed a visitor and are ambling
over. "We're probably in danger already."
It's hard to disagree with him. In the last year, more than 1,200 people
have been killed in Aceh, most of them civilians, and it appears the
conflict is evolving into something more deadly still.
At least 250 have been killed since the start of the year, and this month,
faltering peace talks between the government and the Free Aceh Movement
(GAM) rebels have collapsed completely.
On Wednesday the commander of the Army's elite Strategic Reserves said that
a "military operation" had begun on March 1, in apparent violation of a
cease-fire with the rebels. "GAM is an enemy of the state. We must get them
all," Lt. Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu told local reporters. Diplomats in Jakarta
say intelligence reports indicate the military is planning a major offensive.
Violence has intensified throughout Aceh since 1998, when East Timor won
its independence and former President Suharto fell, two events that
inspired a surge of separatist activity and met with a brutal
counterinsurgency.
Lhokseumawe, the boomtown where ExxonMobil's pipelines, pumps, and work
crews are tangled up with the local people's lives, is one of the main
arenas of conflict. The company's natural gas operation in the province is,
by unhappy circumstance, the common thread between the dream for
independence, human rights abuses, and Aceh's hopes for a peaceful and
prosperous future.
Near where Sulaiman - who like many Indonesians uses only one name - and
his friends sip coffee and curse the military, ExxonMobil runs the Arun gas
field, Indonesia's largest. Analysts estimate the field spits out about
$1.5 billion of product most years, helping to make Indonesia the world's
biggest exporter of liquefied natural gas.
Yet almost all of the money has gone to Jakarta. Bringing that money back
is one of the central rallying points of GAM. "Once we're independent, that
field will make us as rich as Brunei," says GAM's Amni Ahmad Marzuki.
Natural resources not only inspire GAM, but lie at the heart of Indonesia's
determination to hold on. Soldiers guarding ExxonMobil's operation have
tortured and killed civilians, say human rights investigators. GAM attacks
are also higher in the area: If you stick a pin in a map of Aceh where
every alleged human rights abuse has occurred, Lhokseumawe bristles like a
porcupine.
It's an increasingly familiar pattern across the globe. Gas, oil, and gold
are shimmering lures for independence movements, which are then met with
violence by the controlling regimes.
"Rebel movements ... need both a grievance and a source of funding.  Oil
and mineral wealth can help provide both," says Michael Ross, a political
scientist at the University of Michigan who studies resources and conflict.
Companies like ExxonMobil - which have to cooperate with the government to
stay in business - end up in the hot seat. For instance, ExxonMobil's
contract with Indonesia requires it to pay for the military and police
presence.
"Without Mobil, we wouldn't have so many soldiers," says Yusuf Ismail Pase,
a Lhokseumawe-based lawyer and human rights activist.  "These military
posts - they're like machines to make people disappear."
ExxonMobil is understandably sensitive about its position and its
executives declined to be interviewed. In a written response to questions,
it stressed that it is not responsible for the behavior of the soldiers:
"Our company condemns the violation of human rights in any form and has
actively expressed these views to the President of Indonesia."
Sometimes even the good can have negative consequences.  Lhokseumawe is
Aceh's second-largest city, thanks to Arun. In a province where most people
are farmers, the city is home to dozens of small businesses that service
Arun's workers. But that zone of economic opportunity is also helping to
pay for both sides' guns: The city's relative wealth, combined with the
conflict, creates extortion opportunities. Mr. Ross says that GAM probably
generates revenue from extorting money from local businesses.
The military does, too. The International Crisis Group estimated that 80
percent of the military's money comes from protection rackets and other
outside ventures, usually illegal.
The modern incarnation of GAM was founded in 1975, four years after the
Arun field was opened. A military backlash that has resulted in thousands
of civilian deaths soon followed, according to organizations like Amnesty
International and Human Rights Watch.
That was supposed to change after the 1999 election of moderate President
Abdurrahman Wahid. But, as a Western diplomat points out, "The Army
continues to punish whole villages for their independence sympathies."
Around Lhokseumawe, attitudes toward ExxonMobil are complex, and few are
willing to speak about the company. Locals often blame ExxonMobil for
abuses, since its presence justifies military posts in the region. But
residents say they can live with ExxonMobil, provided more benefits flow
their way. Back at the coffee shop, Sulaiman says he'd like a job. "We
don't have a problem with Mobil," he says. "We have a problem with the
military they've brought here."
ExxonMobil has built mosques, schools, and hospitals, and made
contributions to local charities. Yet even those efforts have begun to
suffer. One ExxonMobil official says the full budget for local programs
wasn't spent last year, in part because of the disruptions in the
Lhokseumawe area. ExxonMobil itself has suffered hijackings of its vehicles
and, last year, a brief hostage-taking involving a group of engineers. The
violence is beginning to threaten the long-term viability of Aceh's cash cow.
Mr. Pase, the human rights activist, says the company hasimproved as a
corporate citizen, both in environmental protection and in community
relations. But he says the best thing ExxonMobil could do would be to push
the military to leave. "They have a moral responsibility to make that change."
----------
For further information:

Political History of Aceh U.S. Committee for Refugees
<http://www.refugees.org/news/crisis/indonesia/aceh.htm>
Aceh: A Province in Distress,
<http://www.thejakartapost.com/special/os_7.asp>
Irian Jaya: The Rough Diamond of Indonesia Jakarta Post
<http://www.thejakartapost.com/special/os_8.asp>
Irian Jaya's valleys of death Japan Times
<http://www.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/geted.pl5?eo20010222a1.htm>

*****

March 3rd Editorial by the daily La Naci�n of Costa Rica
http://www.narconews.com/lanacioned.html

Beyond Spectacle

The Zapatista Army Marches through all Am�rica

A week ago, "the march for indigenous dignity" began, from its
headquarters in La Realidad, in Chiapas, led by the enigmatic
subcomandante Marcos, 23 unarmed comandantes and their faces covered
with ski masks, as well as indigenous groups, all of which form the
Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). In a week, after 3,000
kilometers and the celebration of 33 acts or special stops, the caravan
will arrive in Mexico City.

This long March, reminiscent of Mao - although different in that the
many comandantes don't sleep in trucks but, rather, travel in a tourist
bus equipped with television, air conditioning and bathroom - complies
with one of the first promises by the EZLN: "Advance to the capital." On
this occasion the proposal is not to defeat the government, as it
announced on January 1, 1994, but, according to what its leaders have
proclaimed in recent days, a dialogue for peace in Chiapas and the
constitutional recognition of indigenous rights. As the caravan
advances, criticism of the government of President Fox intensifies,
sometimes with archaic rhetoric, but thunderous and, it seems, effective
in many countries of the Third World. And the number of spectators grows
each day as if this were a bicycle race.

Subcomandante Marcos becomes today a national hero for diverse sectors
of Mexico, culminating seven years of intense and continuous propaganda.
Without a doubt, he is the consummate teacher. His role, in political,
social, economic and social ideals since 1994, has discovered an
unending mother lode, sustained and made even larger by the the
advantage of irresponsibility that people of these kinds of movements
have.

This march and, in general, the actions of the EZLN are a direct matter
for Mexico. But its strategy, methodology and results, positive or
negative, cannot be disassociated from the reality of our countries
because of the discourse it brings, its geographic proximity and its
resonance, political and military, with similar movements in Latin
America in recent years.

For President Fox, it constitutes an enormous challenge at the dawn of
his government, one that could determine, for good or for bad, his
political future. But it is also for the Mexican people. The political
leaders must understand that. From this perspective, the Colombian
example, near and painful, represents the best laboratory. If the
Mexican state cedes its most basic essence in the principles of
sovereignty, legitimacy and government, the consequence is well known.
The principal danger lies in not being able to distinguish, from the
conceptual and practical points of view, between the justice of the
indigenous demands, which must be satisfied, and the certain fact that
an internal rebellion - like the alliance between drug trafficking and
Colombian guerrillas - will always want and demand more.

We cannot remain indifferent toward the internal situation of Mexico,
above all if we look toward the south at the crisis in Colombia,
Venezuela or Ecuador, whose triggers have been, in this order, drug
trafficking, guerrillas and paramilitaries; the populism of a Marxist
shade by President Ch�vez and the chaos of Ecuador aggravated by the
growing opposition by indigenous groups. The common denominator of these
complex situations has been the accumulation of economic and social
problems, the political incapacity to react quickly with seriousness and
effectiveness, a certain slumber and even complicity, in many cases, by
Civil Society, reflected in the spineless city cultures. The political
vacuum and governmental ineptness lead, in some cases, to rebellion, in
others to messianic populism: in both cases to the fracture of the
system. If these premises are joined, there is no democratic country
that will be immune to the results. This is a time to observe and to
learn.

*****

U.S. Press Lies About Release of E.Z.L.N. Political Prisoners

As the Zapatista Caravan nears its March 11, 2001 appointment with destiny in
Mexico City, the U.S. propaganda machine cranks out its lies and deception:


Alberto M. Giordano <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Fri, 09 Mar 2001
IT'S A LIE: AP claim that "all" EZLN prisoners free is false

March 9, 2001
Please Distribute Urgently and Widely

IT'S A LIE

AP's Claim that "All" EZLN Prisoners  are Free in Chiapas is Untrue

The Following Men, in Chiapas prisons on federal charges, and nine other
Zapatistas are still imprisoned...

Rafael L�pez Sant�z Conseta, Norberto L�pez Rinc�n, David Hern�ndez
Hern�ndez, Gustavo Estrada G�mez, Mario Diaz G�mez and Jos� Hern�ndez Dias

Read Our Interviews with Zapatistas who were Framed on Drug Charges:

http://www.narconews.com/chiapaspart9.html

We reported again on them in December...

http://www.narconews.com/amnesty2000.html

Because they were framed and tortured on federal drug charges, only
President Vicente Fox can free them.

Please take immediate action to assure that these good men and all 15
remaining Zapatista political prisoners are not forgotten and are released.

Al Giordano
Publisher
The Narco News Bulletin
http://www.narconews.com/
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

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