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From: "Alex Constantine" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: "Kris" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Cc: "Lloyd" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: A G.W. Bush-Nazi Connection
Date: Sunday, February 25, 2001 10:07 PM

A G.W. Bush-Nazi Connection
By Alex Constantine

     Even loyal conservatives must concede that George Bush, Jr. is a
strange bird. Texans have never truly accepted him as one of their own.
�Like his father,� the UK�s Observer noted in 1994, �his home-grown
credentials are questioned.� In general, the natives were somewhat uneasy
about the occasional bizarre antic - like the fist day of the annual dove
shoot, highlighted by Bush bagging a protected songbird instead (Ed
Vulliamy, �White Hot Mama fights a Texan Bush War,� Observer, October 2,
1994). �No real Texan would have done that!� barked then Governor Ann
Richards.

     But then the mid-90s the Texas political landscape shifted radically,
the old order crumbled. Democrats had held the state since the Civil War,
but the Christian Right Ultras had wrested control of the Republican Party,
led by the state�s Christian Coalition and Eagle Forum, and went on to
demonstrate that any political machine is mutable, even in the deep South.

     But Bush didn�t quite fit the ticket, some Texans felt. True, his
business was oil. But shortly after George, Jr. joined the board of Harken
Oil, BCCI, the international bank that parlayed middle eastern oil profits
into political influence, engaged in child prostitution and armed Iraq,
dropped a number of lucrative drilling contracts in his lap (Petzinger,
Truell & Abramson, �Family Ties,� Wall Street Journal, December 5, 1991, p.
1). Texans had to ponder the question: Why in tarnation was he in business
with Shiek Khalifah bin-Salmon al-Khalifah, the ruling emir of Bahrain? In
1990, the Shiek�s name surfaced on a list of primary shareholders in BCCI�s
parent company, BCCI Holdings in Luxembourg. He had pulled strings to throw
the contracts to Harken. In return, Harken Oil helped BCCI investment
bankers gain a footholod in the U.S.

     When the Iraqgate scandal broke, G.W. attempted to separate himself
from it. blaming a former aide who had gone to work for BCCI and resigned
when the press caught on.

    At the same time, it was clear that Junior had his eye fixed on his
father�s old eyrie in Washington. He had been one of his Bush, Sr.�s leading
advisors, a �lead player,� the Wall Street Journal reported, �in the
campaign to oust White House Chief of Staff John Sununu� (Pertzinger, Truell
& Abramson). The Journal looked into Bush�s business dealings and found :a
�complex pattern� of provocative personal and financial ties, but Bush
refused to respond to questions: �George W. Bush, a managing partner of the
Texas Rangers baseball team, declined to be interviewed,� but "he did
provide brief responses to written questions through an intermediary.� Where
was the bold Texas moralist with an aversion to �even� the vaguest
appearance of wrong-doing? In hiding?

     But still exploiting those personal and financial relationships, of
course. On March, 1995, the regents of the University of Texas, at the
behest of Governor Bush, invested $10 million with the Carlyle Group, a
merchant bank in the District of Columbia. Carlyle was chaired by Frank
Carlucci, Ronald Reagan�s secretary of defense and, since 1989, �a darling
of the corporate sector,� per the L.A. Times. Carlucci is on the board of a
slue of mega-corporations, including Bell Atlantic, Ashland Oil and the
Kaman Corporation. Carlyle�sds sole outside parner is the Mellon Family.
Richard Darmon, economic advisor to Bush, Sr. was on the board. So did James
Baker III, former secretary of state. The investments raised a ruckus in the
business press. G.W. himself had long-standing business ties to Carlyle
Group. In 1990, he was given a seat on the board by former Nixon aide Fred
Malek, a Carlyle advisor (Joe Conason, �Notes on a Native Son,� Harper�s,
February 2000, p. 49).

     Fred Malek, mind you, was the CREEP deputy director who, prompted by
Nixon�s trembling belief that �a Jewish cabal� in the Bureau of Labor
Statistics was bent on is destruction, made up a list of Jews in the bureay.
Malek was made deputy director of the Republican National Committee by
George Bush, Sr., an old friend. It was Malek who organized an �ethnic
coalition� of Nazis in August 1988, the Heritage Groups Council, that
included the lies of Laszlo Pastor (a Hungarian-American  and former fascist
Arrowcross officer and junior diplomatic envoy to Berlin under Hitler), and
Father Florian Galdau (a priest, Vatican P-2 member and New York leader of
the Iron Guard, a latter day version of the old SS-run Romanian terror
organization).

  Once again, the Bush family distanced themselves from scandal. They pled
ignorance, even though Bush, Sr. had cherry-picked Malek for the job.
Supposedly, he had fooled everyone, even the conservative National Jewish
Coalition, which boasted In 1992 that �Vice President Dan Quayle, HUD
Secretary Jack Kemp, GOP Campaign Manager Fred Malek and a large number of
key Senators, Congressmen and candidates for office addressed Jewish
delegates and community leaders at a series of events hosted by the NJC
during the Republican convention in Houston last month� (NJC Bulletin,
September 1992).

     On February 2 1990 USA Today�s Tom Squitieri wrote that "four key
Republican activists, ousted from George Bush's 1988 campaign amid charges
of anti-Semitic or pro-fascist links, are back working for the party." These
included Fred Malek and Phil Guarino, another pro-Nazi P-2 member. George W.
Bush ran spin control for his pop�s 1988 presidential campaign, and when the
Nazi scandal burst ever-so-briefly in the media, GW protected his father by
urging the fascists to resign from the Heritage Council (Citizen�s Law Web
Site, http://www.citizenslaw.net/ bushdynasty_corrupt.htm).

     And from these humble beginnings the president-select to-be plied the
American love affair with fascism into a lucrative political career.
����
Alex Constantine's Political Conspiracy Research Bin:
http://alexconstantine.50megs.com/

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