-Caveat Lector-

http://www.foreignwire.com/ekeus.html

WHO'S STILL ARMING SADDAM?
By Harvey Morris (April 12 1996)

FIVE years after the end of the Gulf War, Western firms are helping
Saddam
Hussein to rebuild the arsenal of weapons of mass destruction which the
United Nations has spent the intervening period painstakingly seeking
out
and destroying. Few know which companies are involved or of what
nationality. Those who do know include, ironically, Rolf Ekeus, head of
the
U.N.1s weapons monitoring operation in Iraq. And he won1t say.

"I had hoped at the end of our work I would be able to reveal some of
the
companies involved," Dr Ekeus said in London recently. What he found, as
a
result, was that companies refused to cooperate with him and, in some
cases,
their governments were obstructive. So Dr Ekeus has been forced to
guarantee
anonymity to firms prepared to tell him about the kind of lethal exports
that are getting into Iraq. "We1ve developed a lot of trust,2 he said.
3In
99 per cent you1re dependent on goodwill."

His pragmatic approach has led to some tensions with the U.S. congress
which
he says is itching to block the sales and punish the perpetrators. He
has to
persuade congress that monitoring what1s happening may be the best way
to
keep Saddam in check and thwart his dreams of rebuilding his missile
capacity and of developing biological and even nuclear weapons.

Dragging the Tigris

Ekeus has plenty of evidence that five years of sanctions, with the
resulting hardships imposed on the Iraqi people, have failed to deter
Saddam
from pursuing his policy of military supremacy in the Middle East. The
U.N.
team spent Christmas dragging the Tigris for a consignment of
sophisticated
gyroscopes which had been dumped into the river by the Iraqis when they
realised the U.N. were on their trail. Iraq is still allowed to produce
short-range missiles for its self-defence but the guidance and control
components fished from the Tigris were more complex than a short-range
programme would have merited. The U.N. team was tipped off by the
Jordanians
after a Jordanian buyer took delivery of the consignment. In Amman, it
was
said the components were Russian-made.

Ekeus acknowledges, however, that it is not just the former Soviet bloc
that
is involved in the illicit trade. He said he was concerned about the
prospect of Iraq getting its hands on fresh funds to boost its
weapons-buying power. Talks at the U.N. in New York on Iraqi resuming
limited oil production to finance humanitarian purchases have so far
stalled. They are due to go into a third round in April. If the
concession
is granted, the operation would be controlled by the U.N. and, in
theory,
Baghdad would not be able to get into hands on the oil revenue.

Implementation of U.N. resolution 986 would allow Baghdad $2 billion of
oil
sales in six months to buy badly needed food and medical supplies. The
atmosphere of the last round of talks, in March, was soured by Iraq1s
action
in blocking access to Ekeus1s team as it sought to gain entry to a
number of
suspect sites in Baghdad.

Money for arms

If the next round is successful, the international oil price is likely
to
drop by a factor of one or two dollars a barrel because more oil will be
available on the market. But the Iraq dinar will be stronger,
immediately
increasing the country1s resources. The dinar soared and stayed
relatively
high against the dollar when the earlier New York talks looked like
succeeding.

Ekeus predicts that the U.N.1s weapons monitoring duties in Iraq may
have to
continue for another 20 years. Tracking down elements of the mass
destruction programme that survived the Gulf War has been like putting a
jigsaw together, an exercise in detection that is now made frustratingly
more difficult by the knowledge that international companies, despite
all
they know of Saddam Hussein, are prepared to arm him again.

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