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> ----- > http://www.ex-yupress.org/ > > -------------------------- > > > > Science and politics > > Is New "Non-Paper" by DPA Related to Albanian Academy > > of Sciences "Platform"? > > > > by Blaze RISTOVSKI > > > > The platform specifies that "just aspirations of all > > Albanians are the same as those of our ancestors in > > the nineteenth century - unification of all Albanian > > ethnic territories in a single national state" > > > > Dnevnik, Skopje, Macedonia, April 14, 2001 > > > > Just before the signing of the Association Agreement > > with the EU, Mr. Thaci presented the public with the > > most recent ultimatum, stylized as a "non-paper" of > > the DPA. Not a surprise. The program of the DPA and > > all Albanian "political subjects" in connection with > > the Albanian national liberation movement in the > > Balkans has been public for a while. However, the DPA > > "non-paper" has further clarified: > > > > 1. why the DPA still has not been legalized and > > registered in court as a "political party". > > 2. why in Macedonia there are no political parties > > representing minorities, only national movements, > > usually dependent on support from abroad. > > 3. why in Macedonia and in the Balkans in general the > > actions of all "Albanian factors" are based on the > > Platform for the Solution of the Albanian National > > Question published by the Albanian Academy of Sciences > > (ANA) in Tirana in 1998, and written under supervision > > of the president of Albania, Mejdani, and with > > participation, as the platform specifies, of > > "intellectuals from Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia". > > 4. why neither the ANA platform nor the Arben > > Xhaferi's "paper" mention "Greater Albania", but > > actually talk about it all the time. > > > > Among other the Platform declares as "historical > > truth" that "one nation should have one state", that > > "Albanian ethnic space" encompasses a large region in > > the southeastern Europe, as "with the goal of breaking > > the territorial unity of the Albanians and weakening > > the force of their political resistance, Tito's > > henchmen divided the space of the historic Kosovo into > > three parts - between the republics of Serbia, > > Macedonia, and Montenegro," while "the Republic of > > Macedonia annexed the southern part of the historic > > Kosovo (districts Skopje, Tetovo, Gostivar, Kicevo, > > and Kumanovo), together with the districts of Debar > > and Struga," loosing the Albanian land from the "zones > > of Camerija, Kostur and Lerin". The platform specifies > > that "just aspirations of all Albanians are the same > > as those of our ancestors in the nineteenth century - > > unification of all Albanian ethnic territories in a > > single national state", popularly known as "Greater > > Albania". This state was established under the > > auspices of the Fascist-Nazi axis in WWII. The > > platform uses the same point of view for its > > interpretation of "the whole historic Kosovo with its > > capital Skopje" and borders "reaching north to Nis [in > > Serbia] and east to Stip [in Macedonia]". Besides, > > Macedonia with "an illegitimate act annexed" the > > territory that is "not a Macedonian land" as, > > according to the platform, "the southern part of the > > historic Kosovo, or the northern part of the Republic > > of Macedonia, is an Albanian land". The platform also > > offers a "scientific" conclusion that "Albanians are > > today living in the exactly same places as during the > > past thousands of years." > > > > All of this ignores another "historic truth", provided > > by the census data from the past. Only a hundred years > > ago, therefore at the beginning of the twentieth > > century, Skopje, for example, had 18,000 ethnic > > Macedonian residents, and only 150 ethnic Albanian > > residents, all of whom were Christians [most ethnic > > Albanians are Muslims]. In Aracinovo [today a suburb > > of Skopje with Albanian majority] there were only 175 > > ethnic Macedonian residents and 30 Roma, while in > > Saraj there were only 50 ethnic Macedonian residents > > and 30 Roma. The whole Skopje district had 34,862 > > Christian ethnic Macedonian residents, and 2,455 > > Muslim ethnic Macedonian residents, and only 9,038 > > Muslim ethnic Albanian residents and 150 Christian > > Albanians! At the same time, for example, in the > > Tetovo district, which at the time was very large and > > included the whole today's Gostivar region, the census > > registered all together 31,897 Christian ethnic > > Macedonians, and 1,554 Muslim ethnic Macedonians, and > > 27,793 Muslim ethnic Albanians and 874 Christian > > ethnic Albanians, while the town of Gostivar had all > > together 310 ethnic Macedonian residents and only 100 > > ethnic Albanian residents. The Kumanovo district is > > even more characteristic. 48,421 residents were > > registered there. Out of them, 43,191 were Christian > > ethnic Macedonians, and 500 Muslim ethnic Macedonians, > > while there were only 6,166 ethnic Albanians. Hundred > > years ago the town of Kumanovo had 7,700 ethnic > > Macedonian residents, and only 600 ethnic Albanian > > residents, while in the present day Lipkovo there were > > 240 ethnic Macedonians and 250 ethnic Albanians. In > > most other districts in Macedonia hundred years ago > > not a single ethnic Albanian was registered, including > > the Stip district, claimed by the Albanian platform. > > Even in a very large Bitola district, which included > > Demir Hisar, Krusevo, Upper Prespa and Lower Prespa > > counties, the census registered 88,811 Christian > > ethnic Macedonians and 2,446 Muslim ethnic > > Macedonians, and only 12,346 Muslim ethnic Albanians > > and 650 ethnic Albanian Christians. In Kicevo district > > at the time there were all together 39,590 residents, > > out of which 25,476 were Christian ethnic Macedonians, > > and 7,660 Muslim ethnic Macedonians, while there were > > only 6,190 ethnic Albanians. For example, the hamlet > > of Recani-Zajas [today infamous as the center of > > Albanian extremism in Macedonia] had 45 ethnic > > Macedonian residents and no Albanians. Even in the > > whole Rekani district the census registered 12,015 > > Christian ethnic Macedonians, and 6,565 Muslim ethnic > > Macedonians, and only 3,738 Muslim ethnic Albanians > > and 3,221 Christian ethnic Albanians. > > > > Therefore, figures clearly indicate whose land this > > was one hundred years ago and who lived here "for > > thousands of years". We do not have sufficient space > > to explain when and how Albanians penetrated > > Macedonia. However, it should be kept in mind that in > > the 1953 census only 162,524 ethnic Albanian residents > > were registered in Macedonia, while in 1994 their > > number jumped to 484,228! > > > > Xhaferi's "non-paper" also follows the spirit of the > > ANA Platform and tries to implement it in practice. > > > > 1. The "non-paper" claims that after February 12, > > Macedonia has been struck by "the syndrome of the > > Yugoslav crisis" with "the character of an > > inter-ethnic conflict" and raises "topics related to > > the status of Albanians in the system". Calling on > > "the standards and international conventions, as well > > as the rights inherited from the previous system," the > > DPA insists that "the inter-ethnic conflict between > > Macedonians and Albanians relates to two issues: the > > concept of the state and the representation of > > Albanians in state institutions." By the way, Xhaferi > > forgets that the ethnic Macedonians living in Albania > > also have "inherited rights", but the new Constitution > > meticulously eliminates every mention of those rights > > and declares only "national rights of the Albanian > > nation". > > > > In Macedonia we are witnessing a continuous process of > > several-decades long Kosovization which has these days > > been transformed into an armed aggression, inspired, > > organized and lead exactly by the individuals from > > Kosovo (who were either born or trained and > > indoctrinated there). A systematic anti-Macedonian > > indoctrination has been conducted for a long time in > > the education and bringing up of the young generations > > in the spirit of expansionist nationalist ideas. > > When he says "the concept of the state" Mr. Xhaferi > > refers to the Constitution of the Republic of > > Macedonia. He describes it as "ethnocentric" and > > "contrary to the multiethnic reality". The > > Constitution was "imposed" by the Macedonian majority > > as in "a multiethnic state crucial documents, such as > > the Constitution, must be adopted by consensus, > > instead of being imposed by the ethnic majority. That > > automatically creates inter-ethnic antagonism, and in > > extreme cases the lack of loyalty of citizens with > > respect to the system." That is why we have reached > > "the form of an inter-ethnic war". > > > > However, we are not aware of any state in the world > > that adopted its constitution by consensus of all > > interested groups. That is the reason we have > > parliament and the democratic procedure. However, what > > sort of "multiethnic reality" is Mr. Xhaferi talking > > about if Macedonia has only certain multiethnic > > regions (towns and villages), but is not a multiethnic > > state as a whole. Is the Republic of Albania less > > "multiethnic" than Macedonia in that sense? > > However, Albania refuses to even register members of > > ethnic minorities in its census! Besides, which state > > in Europe does not have similar settlements and > > regions with ethnically mixed population? And which > > large city, anywhere in the world is not a mix of many > > ethnic groups? Therefore, Macedonia is not an example > > of a multiethnic state, although lately, not only some > > distinguished guests, but even our state officials > > have started to frequently use that term. > > > > However, the problem is not in the Constitution or in > > the state organization, but in obvious and frequently > > declared fact that the leaders of ethnic Albanians in > > Macedonia, as well as in Kosovo, the south of Serbia, > > Montenegro and Greece, do not want to be a minority, > > but exactly a nation and partner in the state that > > covers "ethnic Albanian territories" specified in the > > ANA platform. They are not satisfied by a special law > > about local self-rule, or guaranties provided by the > > civic constitution. > > > > One can also hardly talk about the > > under-representation of ethnic Albanians within the > > system, if they, through their "political parties" (in > > a very undemocratic manner, based on quotas) have > > always been represented in all Macedonian governments > > (15.4% of ministers and 28.6% deputy ministers are > > ethnic Albanians), they are proportionally present in > > all state and other institutions! But how loyal are > > they with respect to this state? When has this > > minority raised the state flag or played the state > > anthem? > > Therefore, there is no "marginalization of Albanians > > in the system", and Albanians provide incorrect > > unemployment figures, without mentioning the number of > > young ethnic Macedonian intellectuals who are seeking > > ways to survive on the streets or abroad. Even in the > > democratic USA citizens are not employed based on > > ethnic quotas, but only based on their capabilities > > and competency. Why is no one taking into account that > > a half of the Albanian population is kept behind the > > walls after marriage? The example of the textile > > factory in the Tetovo region is indicative. This > > factory, which employed mostly female worked force, > > faced ruin after loosing most of its workforce after > > marriage! An Albanian wife is mostly left two roles - > > work in the fields and reproduction at the levels > > similar to those of African countries. > > > > 2. Macedonia is compared to the former Yugoslavia, > > Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman empire and the Soviet > > Union, which due to "ethnic enmity", as "multiethnic > > states" broke up after "bloody wars". It is forgotten > > that these states consisted of separate compact > > nations, rather than from minorities, and that they > > dissolved into states of constituent nations! How can > > one compare Macedonia with, for example, the former > > Yugoslavia and talk about some "syndrome of the > > Yugoslav crisis" here? > > The "non-paper" claims that the efforts of the > > Albanian political subject in general, in Albania, > > Kosovo and in Macedonia, should be credited for the > > fact that the crisis did not escalate and become more > > massive. "This factor condemned violence as the means > > for the expression of political dissatisfaction". Even > > if we ignore the cynicism, exactly this statement is > > in the spirit of the ANA platform. Therefore, we are > > not talking about demands for certain democratic, > > civic, ethnic, cultural, or religious rights, but > > exactly about territories of "the Albanian political > > factors" in the Balkans in general. However, finally > > the world has started to understand the logic of the > > Albanian expansionist nationalist syndrome. > > > > 3. In this "non-paper" the DPA also mentions the > > "status of political prisoners" and their > > re-socialization and reintegration. In that, they > > forget that in Macedonia there is no legal possibility > > to indict anyone for an act of political nature. That > > was one of the worst mistakes of the previous and > > current authorities. They overruled the judiciary and > > released Albanians imprisoned for criminal, terrorist > > and anti-state acts. The released Albanians were then > > declared for tested coalition party cadre and > > appointed for ambassadors in important European > > countries. > > > > 4. Xhaferi's followers claim that "legitimate > > political representatives of Kosovo have condemned > > violence as the means for the political expression, > > protected the territorial integrity of Macedonia and > > finally called for the end of the war." However, not > > only KFOR units, but also the rest of the world, have > > realized that armed terrorists came exactly from > > Kosovo, that with knowledge and support of these > > leaders new "fighters" of the UCK are being "recruited > > exactly in Kosovo. Even the authors of the document > > confirm that "as a sign of brotherly solidarity, armed > > individuals from Kosovo entered Macedonia, just like > > weapons and volunteers from all sides used to enter > > Bosnia, Croatia or Kosovo"! > > > > 5. It is stated that the DPA has given its "support > > for the territorial integrity of Macedonia, opposing > > the ideas of secessionism, federalization or > > confederalization". That is an ugly verbal mask for > > the party program based exactly on the ANA platform. > > Even with the demands for consensus democracy and > > changes in the law about the local self-rule they are > > already undermining and absolutely denying the > > territorial integrity of Macedonia, and with their > > recognition as a nation, the Albanians would secure > > federalization and the right to secede. > > > > 6. The DPA demands "a concrete dialog with clearly > > defined mandate and deadline regarding these topics," > > on the condition that its participants are "legitimate > > representatives of Albanians, Macedonian state > > authorities and representatives of the international > > community, namely the EU, NATO and the OSCE, as > > mediators and moderators of the dialog". But, how can > > the DPA be separated from the "Macedonian state > > authorities", if it itself is a chief factor in the > > Government? Who is supposed to talk to whom? Would > > that be an "interethnic dialog"? And, above all, what > > would be the topic of discussion? That Albanians > > should not be a minority but a constituent nation? Is > > that why we are supposed to change our constitution, > > with mediation of the foreign factor? Is that the > > demand that must be fulfilled to prevent the > > "recycling" of the crisis? > > > > Obviously, the comparison of the two documents > > indicates that verbal support for the integration of > > Macedonia to Europe is not sufficient. If we are a > > state, we should behave like one. We have institutions > > that should take responsibility for the functioning of > > the state in all of its segments. The Republic of > > Macedonia is a European state. Consequently, > > regardless of their number, ethnic Albanians in > > Macedonia are an ethnic minority, with all > > corresponding rights of minorities anywhere else in > > the world. It makes sense that a state has an official > > language. Ethnic Albanians should demonstrate loyalty > > with respect to their own state, instead of always > > demanding rights without obligation. Why is it that > > only 1.78% of the state budget revenue comes from > > Tetovo [according to some recent news reports, Tetovo > > is the second largest city in Macedonia with about 10% > > of population, or 200,000 residents, mostly > > Albanians]? That path does not lead to Europe. And the > > one outlined in the ANA Platform is even less > > European. > > > > (The author is an academician) > > > > > > > > > > |
