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From
http://www.latimes.com/news/asection/20010517/t000041424.html

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Thursday, May 17, 2001

Arab Nations See U.S. as Sole Hope for Peace
        Mideast: Unsuccessful regional efforts at talks leave leaders convinced that 
Israel
will listen only to Washington.
By MICHAEL SLACKMAN, Times Staff Writer
     CAIRO--When Egyptian security forces rounded up 11 members of the banned
Muslim
Brotherhood recently, the arrests seemed a curious contradiction
to the prevailing
mood across the Arab world: The activists were thrown
into jail for trying to rally
support for the Palestinian people.

     Even as Arab leaders line up squarely behind the Palestinian cause,
prosecutors
in the port city of Alexandria charge that Islamic
hard-liners are using the
intifada to destabilize the Egyptian
government, which signed a peace treaty with
Israel two decades ago.

     As the level of violence between Arabs and Israelis increases, a deep
sense of
foreboding has multiplied calls among many Arab leaders for the
United States to
resume an active role in jump-starting peace talks.

     The pressures are most evident in Egypt and Jordan, the two Arab
nations that
have made peace with Israel.

     Hoping to resuscitate peace talks with a diplomatic initiative in
April, the
two relatively moderate voices instead came away frustrated
and convinced that the
only way to stop the violence in the West Bank and
Gaza Strip is for President Bush
to abandon what is seen here as a
hands-off policy. The perception is that Israel
will never sit down to
serious negotiations without U.S. persuasion.

     "The feeling is widespread in the Arab world that the situation is
most dangerous, explosive," said Osama al Baz, an advisor to Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak. "It might be very difficult to contain it or to
bring
it back to the level where reason can prevail and where one can
hope for a new beginning for the peace process.

     "The feeling is widespread, and under this consensus it is an absolute
must for the United States to activate its role and get busy with the
situation."

     U.S. Defends Its Handling of Crisis

     In Washington, officials have consistently defended their handling of
the Middle East crisis, saying that the United States is playing an
active role through its ambassadors in the region. In addition, they say
that
Bush has met with most of the leaders of the region, from Mubarak
and Jordan's King Abdullah II to Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and
others, including Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.

     "We are engaged, and the conversations that are taking place now at a
couple of levels are U.S.-sponsored, U.S.-hosted, U.S.-arranged,
U.S.-monitored meetings, and we are following it very, very closely,"
Secretary o
f State Colin L. Powell said last month in testimony before Congress.

     In Washington on Tuesday, Powell discussed the beleaguered peace
process with Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat's top deputy,
Mahmoud Abbas, better known as Abu Maazen.

     It was the first time that a top Bush administration official welcomed
a Palestinian leader to Washington, a tiny warming of the
administration's cold shoulder to Arafat.

     Powell also rejected a call by Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), the
chairman of a Senate Appropriations subcommittee, for a sharp cut in U.S.
economic aid to Egypt and the Palestinian Authority.

     "They play an important role in the region," Powell said.

     No one has said that the governments of Egypt or Jordan are in
imminent danger. But pressures are growing. Opposition members in the
Egyptian parliament, for instance, recently pointed to the death of a
Palestinian c
hild as a reason to push the government to reconsider its relations with Israel.

     In Jordan, where more than half the 5 million population is
Palestinian, riot police in the capital, Amman, used batons and water
cannons last week to break up an anti-Israel rally.

     Political analysts throughout the region said that leaders in the Gulf
states and Saudi Arabia are also watching unfolding events with concern.

     "It is not simply the fighting that has these regimes concerned," said
Farid Khazen, a political scientist at the American University of Beirut.
"It is the fact you cannot envisage a scheme that will bring all partie
s
to the table at a time when the United States has said clearly, 'We will
not be involved.' No doubt this is increasing pressure on these regimes."

     Former President Clinton focused intensely on trying to bring about a
comprehensive and lasting Middle East peace, only to see his efforts
unravel in September, when the most recent conflict exploded.

     In October, Egypt hosted a failed peace summit at the resort of Sharm
el Sheik. For the next several months, Egypt--the de facto leader of the
Arab world--in effect sat on the sidelines.

     It was only last month that Egypt--the only Arab country with strong
enough ties to the West and Israel to pursue a peace plan--initiated a
regional proposal.

     Moustafa Fikky, a former diplomat who now serves in parliament, said
that Egypt couldn't wait any longer.

     "We were waiting for the Israeli government to realize what they are
doing," he said. "Now it is more than seven months [since Sharm el
Sheik], and things are deteriorating. We think that peace is threatened
in the w
hole region."

     When Mubarak visited the White House in April, he decided to raise the
prospect of a joint peace initiative. To give the plan a pan-Arab
approach, he signed on Jordan, clearly the junior partner in the
relationship.


     The initiative was well received, if not endorsed, by the U.S. and
received plaudits from Russia, the European Union and the Palestinians.
Some officials in Israel accepted the talk of peace as a positive step,
altho
ugh they rejected the call to freeze expansion of Jewish settlements.

     Egypt's Proposal Makes No Progress on Ground

     But the initiative made no progress on the ground. And, after an
embarrassing news conference following an April visit with Israeli
Foreign Minister Shimon Peres, Mubarak lowered his profile.

     At the news conference, Mubarak announced to reporters that the
Israelis and Palestinians had agreed on a cease-fire--only to be
contradicted later by Peres, and events.

     "I was surprised to hear from Arafat that there has been no agreement.
. . . They [the Israelis] have played tricks with me so that I give a
statement saying we reached an agreement," Mubarak announced to his
nation
in his annual Labor Day speech. Peres later blamed the mix-up on a
translation error.

     In what was seen here as an advance of sorts, the Bush administration
recently
endorsed in principle the findings of a panel headed by former
Sen. George J.
Mitchell (D-Maine). The report is similar to the
Egyptian-Jordanian proposal in that
it calls for an end to the violence--and, among other things, for Israel to stop
settlement
construction.

     Officials in Egypt said that they were heartened by the attention but
that they
want action.

     "What is needed is a high-profile rather than a low-profile role that
will get
the blessing of the president," said Baz, the Mubarak advisor.
"We had hoped that
the submission of the Egyptian-Jordanian initiative
would help put the peace process
back on track. And for this to happen
there must be some persuasion, not pressure,
to be used in the Israeli
government, which does not seem to be listening to the
voice of reason
coming from the Arab world."

     Times staff writer Norman Kempster in Washington contributed to this
report.



Copyright 2001 Los Angeles Times


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The only real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking
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~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The libertarian therefore considers one of his prime educational
tasks is to spread the demystification and desanctification of the
State among its hapless subjects.  His task is to demonstrate
repeatedly and in depth that not only the emperor but even the
"democratic" State has no clothes; that all governments subsist
by exploitive rule over the public; and that such rule is the reverse
of objective necessity.  He strives to show that the existence of
taxation and the State necessarily sets up a class division between
the exploiting rulers and the exploited ruled.  He seeks to show that
the task of the court intellectuals who have always supported the State
has ever been to weave mystification in order to induce the public to
accept State rule and that these intellectuals obtain, in return, a
share in the power and pelf extracted by the rulers from their deluded
subjects.
[[For a New Liberty:  The Libertarian Manifesto, Murray N. Rothbard,
Fox & Wilkes, 1973, 1978, p. 25]]

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