The Balkan Godfather (part 2)

Subotic has an official residence at Palmoticeva 82 in Zagreb

 
   At this very moment, several of the world’s great intelligence services are conducting parallel investigations into Croatian citizen, Stanko Subotic Cane, the European king of cigarette smuggling. According to certain estimates, Subotic is worth over 500 million DEM, making him definitely the wealthiest Croatian citizen. As Nacional has learned, the Croatian police are also investigating Subotic, born September 9, 1959 in Ub, Serbia. In his Croatian passport, he is listed as having a residence in Zagreb at Palmoticeva 82. We were not able to learn just how far that investigation has come, but in light of the activities in the police ministry, we are not certain that there is an overwhelming interest in Subotic there. What Nacional has uncovered is that the domestic police have not even managed to discover just how Subotic obtained a Croatian passport, even though Minister Lucin stated that the passport was issued on a recommendation by General Ljubo Cesic Rojs.
 
  Penic’s Approval
 
   Just what the connection is between Subotic and Rojs will probably never be uncovered. From the letter Nacional received from Subotic’s attorney, it is clear that the passport was approved in 1999 by the minister’s discretion. Perhaps he would know the answer to the mystery connection between Subotic and Rojs. However, Penic is protected by parliamentary immunity, and therefore, cannot be interrogated. On Monday, May 21, Nacional’s reporting team visited the address at Palmoticeva 82. However, they did not find the name Subotic on any of the doors in that building. Obviously, this was simply a fictitious address, or Subotic was registered as a tenant in one of the apartments.
 
  Incorrect Assessments
 
   “It will not be easy for Milo Djukanovic in the next six months. To date, we have uncovered some 130 million DEM in foreign bank accounts which are either directly or indirectly connected to his name. The sources of that money are also connected to businessman Stanko Subotic, a Croatian citizen, with a registered residence in Zagreb, at Palmoticeva 82. There has also been confirmation of a connection between Stanko Subotic and Zoran Djindjic, which particularly intensified after Milosevic’s fall, when Djindjic was appointed Premier of Serbia. As far as we know, these two have been intensively working on a project to build a cigarette factory in Kragujevac. As a partner to Subotic, British American Tobacco (BAT) has also made an appearance. Djindjic is supposedly responsible for giving political support to the entire project. In the entire story, the most surprising behavior has come from the Croatian government, particularly from the Finance Ministry. To date, that ministry has not asked any questions as to where, to whom and how much Subotic, as a Croatian citizen, pays in taxes.” These were the comments made for Nacional by a very influential foreign diplomat on Sunday May 20. That representative of one of the world’s greatest forces confirmed that according to their information, the article published in the last issue of Nacional was completely in agreement with the truth, and that our only errors were in the actual estimates of Subotic’s fortune. According to their knowledge, Stanko Subotic Cane, the main Balkan godfather, is worth much more than the 500 million DEM listed in the article. One high ranking official in the Washington State Department illustrated the situation in the following way: “We let Djukanovic make $5 million, and now he wants hundreds of millions. Let him finance Montenegro now, instead of the United States.”
 
  Connection with Djukanovic
 
   Nacional’s article aroused great anxiety in both Stanko Subotic and Milo Djukanovic, who quickly sent letters to Nacional’s editorial offices denying everything. Zoran Djindjic also gave a statement to the press: he also denied any involvement in any criminal activities, however, he admitted to being in very good relations with “the honest businessman Subotic”. Djindjic failed to mention that he was in such good relations with Subotic that the latter gave him his airplane to use for visits abroad. Djukanovic also denied all claims in the article, claiming that he is an honest man and that these attacks on his character are based on a conspiracy against his government and the independence of Montenegro.
   Unlike Djindjic and Djukanovic, Subotic did not deny the majority of the claims made in the article, but rather explained them. He states that he did order a Cessna Citation X airplane, but that he paid $18 million for it, and not $17.5. He also confirmed Nacional’s claims that Djukanovic’s government had purchased two airplanes worth $30 million, and that the government would return this “interest-free loan” to Subotic. Thus, all three planes, his and the two state airplanes, were purchased by Subotic, in cash, for a total of $45 million (90 million DEM). Very few people, other than perhaps the Prince of Brunei or one of the ridiculously wealthy Arab princes could buy three airplanes in this fashion.
   However, this is all just a small piece of the puzzle that Nacional is currently investigating concerning the business dealings and connections of the wealthiest and most mysterious Croatian citizen, Stanko Subotic Cane. Nacional has uncovered 300 hours of telephone conversations between Djukanovic and Subotic, confirming their tight relations. These conversations were recorded over the last two years by a foreign intelligence service, between Djukanovic’s number 00 381 69 011 495 and Subotic’s 00 41 79 471 8419. The intelligence service also frequently recorded Djukanovic’s wife Lidija’s telephone, number 00 381 69 011 292. For a time, they were also recording their satellite conversations.
   Proof that Djukanovic and Subotic do not only have a professional relationship, but also a personal friendship, was provided by numerous witnesses who were present at the indulgent parties at Subotic’s villa on St. Stephan island. The size of this house, which actually looks very small from street level, is only visible from the oceanside. At the top level of the house, which is actually the fourth floor, there is a car lift, which lowers vehicles to the basement garage which can house 25 automobiles. When he is not hosting parties on St. Stephan, then the lascivious crowd moves to Subotic’s complex in the Spanish resort town of Marbella. This complex is comprised of one massive house and four annexes on a large plot of land. Subotic’s neighbor in the hip area the Golden Mile is recently released multibillionaire Mark Rich. Subotic purchased this house for $11.5 million. In the company of young women, if possible Croatian singers, they enjoy a comfortable life there, from morning till night, with luxurious drinks and expensive opiates. Of course, Subotic’s wife has no knowledge of these activities, since she lives with their child in Geneva, Switzerland at 21 Terresses de Lord Byron.
   Besides being very generous to his friend and partner Djukanovic when it came to both parties and divvying up the “loot”, he also took great care of preserving Djukanovic’s image. Subotic knew that Djukanovic was an admirer of the highest quality and most expensive watches. While the ordinary people of Montenegro were barely making ends meet, for the average salary in Montenegro is about 200 DEM, their present has received gifts of watches in the last two years totaling 1.5 million DEM. If one carefully looks are photographs and TV images of the Montenegrin president, one can see expensive watches on his wrist. For example, a Brequet Minut Repetition (worth 360,000 DEM), Brequet Tourbillion (480,000 DEM), IWC Grand Complication (Schaffhausen – 450,000 DEM) and Franck Muller (50,000 DEM).
   The luxurious life the Montenegrin president leads is further shown in the recent additions to his home in Podgorica, which he expanded to a total of 400 m2. This home was furnished with only the best, and most expensive in Italian furniture. The furniture bill surpassed 1.5 million DEM. Even more painful to see is the total of 350,000 DEM for bulletproof glass installed in the apartment. The Italian financial police claim that this bill was paid for by Subotic’s company ‘Codex Limited’, account number 0122337 in the Bank in Liechtenstein AG, Herrengasse 12 in Vaduz.
 
  Bank in Limasol
 
   Many of Djukanovic’s expenses were paid from that account, belonging to Subotic, including two bulletproof vehicles – and Audi S8, and a Mercedes S Class (Genscher), each worth 600,000 DEM. Codex, according to the joint findings by both Swiss and Italian investigators, is a filter for money laundering and corrupting those politicians in the former Yugoslavia which are necessary for Subotic’s business dealings.
   In addition to the company Codex, registered in Vaduz, Subotic and Djukanovic use two additional companies for their businesses. Both are located on Cypress, the banking and business oasis for all the “businessmen” from Yugoslavia. The majority of the cigarette business went through the company ‘Dulwich Enterprise Limited’. That company is registered at the address Konstatinos Paparegoupolu 3 in the business building Friemis House, office number 202. Their other joint company, ‘Wellesley Limited’ is located at the same address, and in the same office as Dulwich. Both companies use bank accounts at the Bank of Cypress. The account number for Dulwich is 0385-41-058637-06, and for Wellesley 0385-41-058599-06. The bank is located in the Cypress city of Limasol in the Offshore Business Center. In addition to this bank, Subotic also uses the Cypress Arab Bank, also located in Limasol. All of Subotic’s and Djukanovic’s business dealings on Cypress are handled by Nikola Milosevic (31, also a Croatian citizen), who is Subotic’s cousin. The main “middleman” for all of Subotic’s and Djukanovic’s banking transactions lives in London, and his name is Nebojsa Katic. Katic is a former member of the Serbian intelligence community , which suggests that Subotic took an entire network of colleagues from around the world from the service which in fact created him. He can thank his consigliero, Jovica Stanisic, for that. Stanisic was the untouchable head of the Serbian national security agency during Milosevic’s period of attempting to conquer Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo.
 
  Legendary Fees
 
   In the denial letter which Subotic sent to Nacional via his attorney, he claims that the company ‘Mia’ (named after his daughter) is not under the ownership of Djukanovic’s friends, Dusko Ban and Zeljko Mihaljovic. Perhaps they are not the owners, but it certainly is odd that these two men, as regular employees in Mia, have amassed great fortune – each holds 23 million DEM in accounts at City Bank in Zurich and Credit Suisse in Lugano. Until his retirement, a certain Herr Hubert was handling their financial assets.
   According to sources comprised of the intelligence agencies of western countries, not only Djukanovic has had benefits from Subotic’s money. Djukanovic’s party DPS also has allegedly received 50 million DEM from 1995 to present. That piece of information came from interrogation by the Swiss and Austrian authorities of Srecko Kestner, who was until recently Subotic’s business partner. According to those sources, Subotic’s payroll also includes Montenegrin parliamentary president, Svetozar Marovic, who is also an admirer of expensive watches and allegedly receives a monthly fee of 100,000 DEM. This is his reward for not getting involved, and for not halting the business dealings of his own pupil, Brano Cupic from Herceg Novi. Nacional has also learned that Marovic also received an apartment in the best quarter of Paris from Subotic.
   Considering that Zoran Djindjic also submitted a letter of denial, it is worthwhile describing, in a few sentences, his connections with Croatian citizen Stanko Subotic Cane. As we wrote at the beginning of this article, Djindjic is the political sponsor of Subotic’s business dealings in Serbia. Considering that he amassed an awful lot of dirty money, Subotic quickly needed a “laundromat” in order to clean up that money and give it some sort of a legal basis.
 
  The Tobacco Industry
 
   Subotic’s company was the largest purchaser of cigarettes without tax stamps from British American Tobacco, the second largest cigarette manufacturer in the world. BAT is known worldwide for its brands Lucky Strike, Dunhill, Rothmans, Lord HB, Cartier and Pall Mall. Subotic came to the idea that he could most easily turn himself into a legitimate businessman if he built himself a cigarette factory. In a deal with Ruhle, the vice-president of BAT from Zuug, Switzerland, and with the help of BAT director Simon in Belgrade, Subotic signed a contract to build the most modern cigarette factory in the Balkans in a town near Kragujevac, a region with extremely high unemployment. And Djindjic’s role? According to those well-acquainted with the entire story, which are very close to Subotic’s crew, the entire investment for the factory was to cost 150 million DEM. Allegedly, half that money would come from Subotic, and the other half from BAT.
   In order to get a quick return on his investment, Subotic was to use the current Serbian government to create an illusion in the public that he and BAT were doing a great service to reduce unemployment in Serbia. However, those unemployed Serbians do not know that a deal was struck which would cost neither Subotic nor BAT a single Deutsche Mark. According to Djindjic’s proposal, the Assembly is preparing a new law, which states that all companies, excluding BAT, would be prevented from importing cigarettes to Serbia, and that, allegedly, was to be done for Subotic.
   BAT cigarettes manufactured in western Europe would be treated as domestic, as a Serbian product, exempt from taxes and any form of duties or excises. During the two year monopoly, BAT and Subotic would earn 150 million DEM in profits, which would be more than enough to cover the costs of completing the factory. The entire operation to build the factory, or rather, to launder Subotic’s money, is conducted through the company ‘D Trade’, owner by Subotic’s company Dulwich Limited, centered on Cypress.
 
 
   Such an operation would expel not only all other foreign cigarette manufacturers but also all other domestic ones such as the tobacco factories at Nis and Vranje. Zoran Djindjic had to give the political platform, for which he has been more than handsomely rewarded. The foreign producers most hurt by such an arrangement are Phillip Morris and Tvornica Duhan Rovinj (TDR). Allegedly, due to difficulties BAT is experiencing in Croatia with the tobacco factory at Zadar, this is a way to get back at TDR.
   After the publication of the article in last week’s issue of Nacional, Djindjic felt the heat and quickly stalled everything concerning the new factory. At the same time, BAT got up on its feet, realizing that this deal may be jeopardizing their vital interests and perhaps that Subotic is not the right man to do long term business with in the region. On Monday May 21, they called an emergency meeting with Subotic, but not in Belgrade, as he requested, but in Budapest, on neutral territory. If their plans to build the factory are realized, all of the links in the chain will be complete. BAT will receive a monopoly on that market, with a 40 million DEM flow through monthly. Stanko Subotic Cane will legalize his business dealings and dirty money, and Zoran Djindjic will obtain some new influential and wealthy friends, which will always be of assistance in terms of political advancement and campaign financing. Our sources in Belgrade claims that because of this deal, Djindjic construed the scandal “sexgate” involving Vuk Obradovic, and fired him from his post as deputy premier. The real reason is that Obradovic allegedly caught on to Subotic
   Proof that the entire political-tobacco lobbies wishes to spread into Croatia, Montenegro, Serbia and throughout the Balkan was seen in an event which took place this winter. Macedonian Premier Ljupco Georgievski made an official visit to Belgrade, and after his business was completed, he was Subotic’s guest in a nightclub owned by Djej Ramadanovski, well known for organizing Croatian female singers to sing at Subotic’s villa on St. Stephan. Subotic and Georgievski remained in the night club, in the company of Ukrainian prostitutes until dawn, and the entire while, they were guarded by the Serbian special police, which also guards Subotic every time he lands in or departs from Belgrade. The reason for this gleeful company between Subotic and Georgievski is that Subotic, together with BAT, wanted to buy the Macedonian tobacco diva ‘Makedonija Tabak’, which is tops in both producing tobacco and in cigarette manufacturing and exports. Today Makedonija Tabak has been shaken because Georgievski buckled to US pressure, and fired the company’s vice-president of the board Suturkova. Until Subotic’s appearance on the tobacco scene, Suturkova was without a doubt the uncrowned tobacco king of the Balkans, and he became this by manufacturing massive amounts of phony Marlboro cigarettes.
 
  Croatian Citizens
 
   Only time will likely tell what the role of Croatian and the HDZ criminal-political lobby is in this entire story. However, it is sure that this lobby is deeply integrated in the whole story, because Subotic certainly did not receive his citizenship because of his wife’s Croatian grandmother, as was stated in his written denial. And if he did receive his passport because of this familial connection, then why was it necessary to have the police minister’s right to discretion? If the paperwork was all in order, why did he need Minister Penic at all? And in the end, we ask the question once again, if Subotic possesses Croatian documents and a residence in Zagreb, then why does he not have to report his earnings and hand over his tax slips in the tax office, and then pay taxes to the state on those earnings like every other citizen in this country? It is obvious that the secret services and police of several European countries will go public with this money laundering affair, one of the greatest in Europe in the last twenty years, and this will also be a slap in the face for Croatia. That is, in the entire scandal, the only two participants which are not citizens of Croatia are Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic and Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjic.
 
 

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