-Caveat Lector-

Why Americans kill
http://www.thisislondon.co.uk/dynamic/news/story.html?in_review_id=399025&in
_review_text_id=346380

This was in Falls River, Massachusetts, in 1892. It would be an unlikely
murder in AD 2001. Today's Americans seldom have an axe in the shed; their
barbecue kindling comes ready-chopped from the shopping mall. But if they
don't kill one way, they kill another. At the same mall they'll find a shop
that sells handguns.

For as long as records go back, the United States murder rate has soared far
above England's. In the Nineties, the murder rate in New York alone was 10
times that for the whole of England. A gun caused four out of every five of
those deaths. Guns caused less than one English murder in 10.

Why do Americans kill? It's a recurrent puzzle within so seemingly civilised
a society. The highly-respected crime historian, Professor Eric H Monkkonen,
has carried out an exhaustive and enlightening new study, Murder In New York
City (University of California Press, L19.95). He delves back across two
centuries of homicide in the United States - and not only in New York - in
his quest for an answer.

The American way of life is also the American way of death. The black power
activist, H Rap Brown, said that violence "is as American as cherry pie".

Oklahoma City bomber and white supremacist Timothy McVeigh would probably
have agreed. Four American politicians, from Andrew Johnson to Lyndon B
Johnson, became president only because their predecessors - from Abraham
Lincoln to John F Kennedy - were assassinated. The sole British prime
minister to be murdered was Spencer Percival, way back in 1812.

In the early murder history of the US, death usually came by knife, a club,
even a rock. Handguns at that stage were pretty useless. Magazines
advertised them alongside other "fancy goods," such as ointments to make
your moustache grow or mail-order shirts. Revolvers small enough to be
concealed were only "baubles for urban middle-class men". Revolvers with
firepower weighed several pounds, and were ludicrously inaccurate. Westerns
tell a deeply off-target tale. You'd never hit anyone from the roof of the
local saloon with a revolver. To be sure to kill a man, you had to get
within about three feet. But fashions and implements changed.

As Eric Monkkonen says, the jack-knife went the way of the bowler hat. Which
left guns.

Samuel Colt was a wonderful salesman. He made his name as a demonstrator of
laughing gas at travelling fairs, and displayed his famous revolver at the
Crystal Palace exhibition in 1851. He brought handguns into mass production,
but they remained highly erratic. The most lethal move, as Professor
Monkkonen's figures show, was the mass production of semi-automatics in
America after the Second World War. These increased your chances of a
successful murder simply because they sprayed out so many more bullets.

In spite of its ferocious reputation, New York lagged behind the rest of the
US for murder cases until 1958 - though both rates were sky-high by British
standards. In Leonard Bernstein's Fifties musical, West Side Story, the
city's teenage gangs "could be seen as romantic and cute". But this was the
last moment anyone could cling to this perception. The homicide rate
thereafter went into overdrive.

A murderer's motive is almost always a "passion to control others",
Monkkonen argues. Money isn't as strong a motive as you might expect,
although it has risen to being a major factor in 17 per cent of American
homicides, from less than four per cent. From the Sixties, New York became
the site of a constant series of skirmishes for control over drug
territories. The newly marketed semi-automatics were there to jack up the
death toll.

However, America's high murder rate compared to western Europe goes back at
least 200 years, well before anyone cooked crack-cocaine. Given the
pork-barrel system of local politics, men even killed to acquire the jobs
that would bring them the power of patronage and the benefits of bribery. In
the days of New York's Tammany Hall - a corrupt Democratic Party machine -
John McKenna and Thomas Marra were murdered one polling-day morning. They
were killed by Richard Croker or by his party gang. Croker, a future mayor
of New York, was then a lowly, elected coroner who thought his political
spoils were under threat from his rivals. He was indicted, but the charge
was dismissed.

"Where did the United States go wrong?" Monkkonen asks.

Even Canada, just across the 49th Parallel, evolved less murderously.

Religious differences, as those over abortion now, can drive American
passions as high as racial ones. Murder flourishes like an unstoppable weed,
or an epidemic.

Partly, Monkkonen argues, it is an inheritance of the way the slave-owning
South ran its business. To enforce slavery depended on a constant
willingness to use personal violence. Courts and legislatures were kept
weak.

But this was only a tougher version of the way the early US ran the whole of
its business. At every level, judicial systems were feeble and
decentralised. Debates about liberty delayed the introduction of police
forces, which are still fragmented. The State remains weak.

Into this weak vessel was poured an unending stream of new migrants. First,
Irish and Germans; then Italians, Poles and Jews; then Mexicans and Cubans;
and onward to Russians, Chinese and Koreans. Meanwhile, black refugees from
rural poverty poured into the northern cities. This all meant that a lot of
men, and especially young men, were on the loose. The only English city ever
to match the New York murder level was Liverpool at the height of the 19th
century Irish migration into Merseyside.

Monkkonen argues that killers are people - almost always men - "with
unstructured liberty". The victims are almost always men, too. Ceaseless
migrations give the US its enduring economic strength.

People who want to get on in the world, by one device or another, pour in at
the bottom end of the labour market. The social downside is that what Eric
Monkkonen calls "the civilising process" has been constantly delayed, by
comparison with western Europe; in other words, the process of learning how
to settle differences by gentler means than murder.

Pessimistically, he says that "the American heritage may take centuries to
correct". Gun control could narrow the American-European difference, but
wouldn't end it. Deprived of the gun, American men would turn to some other
weapon, as in the past. For real change, "if men take charge of anything, it
must be of the notion that real men don't kill, that self-respect means
shrugging off an insult". This is a message worth pinning up in Harlesden
and Brixton as well as in New York.

But Prof Monkkonen wouldn't be an American if he couldn't also see room for
optimism. Recently, the New York homicide rate has dropped. He reckons it
may be the long-term outcome of prevention programmes like the Head Start
education schemes, plus the more brutal impact of programmes of
incarceration.

Looking back at America's bloodstained history, prevention and punishment
aren't opposites, he argues. To get crime down, you need both.


Paul Barker is Senior Research Fellow,
Institute of Community Studies

C Associated Newspapers Ltd., 11 June 2001





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