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Public Serpent
Iran-Contra Villain Elliott Abrhams Is Back In Action

By Terry J. Allen




A nursing home aide earning minimum wage caring for Alzheimer's patients is
an unskilled laborer. A grade school teacher pulling down $25,000 a year in a
crumbling inner-city school is barely a professional. But a politician
reaping power, pay, perks and retirement packages is a public servant.

Calling George W. Bush and Jesse Helms "public servants" is like calling
Iran-contra criminal Elliott Abrams an "outstanding diplomat"--which is
precisely what White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer did when he
announced Abrams' appointment as senior director of the National Security
Council's Office for Democracy, Human Rights and International Operations.
Fleischer conveyed Bush's faith-based assertion that Abrams is "the best
person to do the job," which, happily for the appointee, does not require
Senate confirmation.

For those who don't remember, Abrams was one of the most odious participants
in a particularly shameful chapter of U.S. history. In the '80s, he was
Ronald Reagan's assistant secretary of state for human rights and
humanitarian affairs and later the assistant secretary of state for
inter-American affairs. In that post, Abrams, in his own words, "supervised
U.S. policy in Latin America and the Caribbean."

That policy included backing the contras--a surrogate army dedicated to
overthrowing the democratically elected Sandinista government of Nicaragua.
It also involved funding the military thugocracy of El Salvador and
supervising its war against a popular leftist rebellion. In his role as
public servant, Abrams found time to cover up the genocidal policies of the
Guatemalan government and embrace the government of Honduras while it
perpetrated serial human rights abuses through Battalion 3-16, a U.S.-trained
"intelligence unit" turned death squad.

Thick as thieves with Oliver North, Abrams helped evade congressional
restrictions on aid to the contras. When Congress--spurred on by protests and
embarrassing press disclosures--grew wary of the Central American wars, the
Reaganites sought other avenues for funding them. Ever eager to serve, Abrams
flew to London under the alias "Mr. Kenilworth" to solicit a $10 million
contribution from the Sultan of Brunei.

In the congressional investigations that followed disclosure of the
Iran-contra conspiracies, Abrams was never held accountable for the human
rights violations backed, hidden and funded by the Reagan administration.
Instead Abrams was accused of withholding information from Congress, a
Washington euphemism for bald-face lying. In 1991, he copped to two counts of
withholding information from Congress (and was granted a Christmas Eve pardon
a year later by President George Bush).

Abrams was none too pleased, even with this slap on the wrist. According to a
May 30, 1994 article in Legal Times, he called his prosecutors "filthy
bastards," the proceedings against him "Kafkaesque," and members of the
Senate Intelligence Committee "pious clowns" whose raison d'�tre was to ask
him "abysmally stupid" questions. (In the spirit of full disclosure: Abrams
once called me a "rotten bitch" after I tactlessly noted that much of the
world considers him a war criminal.)

Abrams' own "full biography," posted on the Web site of the Ethics and Public
Policy Center--an oxymoronic think tank where he wiled away much of the
Democratic interregnum awaiting the collective amnesia of the American
public--omits his unpleasantness with Congress. In any case, as Fleischer
said of Abrams' transgressions, "the president thinks that's a matter of the
past and was dealt with at the time."

Loved ones of the thousand unarmed Salvadoran peasants, including 139
children, killed by U.S.-trained contra troops in the 1981 El Mozote massacre
may be less inclined to let bygones be bygones. Abrams has been a consistent
massacre denier, even calling Washington's policy in El Salvador a "fabulous
achievement." He told Congress that the reports carried in the New York Times
and Washington Post a month after El Mozote were Communist propaganda.

In 1993, members of a Salvadoran Truth commission testified about the
massacre in a congressional hearing of the House Western Hemisphere
subcommittee. Chairman Robert G. Torricelli (D-New Jersey) vowed to review
for possible perjury "every word uttered by every Reagan administration
official" in congressional testimony on El Salvador. Abrams denounced
Torricelli's words as "McCarthyite crap."

Eventually documentation emerged proving that the Reagan administration had
known about El Mozote and other human rights violations all along. Abrams,
however, carefully denied knowledge of the assassination of Salvadoran
Archbishop Oscar Romero, committed shortly after the cleric denounced
government terror. "Anybody who thinks you're going to find a cable that says
that Roberto d'Aubuisson murdered the archbishop is a fool," Abrams was
quoted in a March 21, 1993 article in the Washington Post.

In fact, the Post notes, the U.S. embassy in San Salvador sent at least two
such cables to Washington nailing d'Aubuisson, the right-wing politician who
was the chief architect of the plot against Romero. The December 21, 1981
cable notes: "A meeting, chaired by Maj. Roberto d'Aubuisson, during which
the murder of Archbishop Romero was planned. During the meeting, some of the
participants drew lots for the privilege of killing the archbishop."

Now Bush II has given Abrams a post that rewards his special experience. In
the proud ranks of America's public servants, he will join other Iran-contra
vets: Secretary of State Colin Powell; Deputy Secretary of State Richard
Armitage; Otto Reich, assistant secretary of state for inter-American
affairs; and presumably John Negroponte, awaiting confirmation as U.N.
ambassador.

And who says you can't get help like you used to?


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