-Caveat Lector-

THE WASHINGTON POST

The Real Danger for Israel

 By Fareed Zakaria
Friday, August 10, 2001; Page A25

Yesterday's atrocity in Jerusalem may complete a process begun when
Yasser Arafat rejected Ehud Barak's proposals at Camp David: the
shattering of the Israeli left.

For a decade the Labor Party had a solution to Israel's biggest problem:
land for peace. It would give back much of the land conquered in the 1967
 war and get a peace agreement in return. But the assumption that
underlay it -- that you could make a deal with Arafat -- is now exploding.
As a result, Israel has few doves left; in a poll taken before yesterday's
suicide bombing, some 70 percent of the population supported Ariel
Sharon's tough strategy of reprisals and preemptive attacks.

But once you get past the rhetoric, it becomes clear that the Israeli right
has no solutions either. The right in Israel held three core positions: first,
that there could never be a Palestinian state (Jordan was the true Palestinian
state). Second, that Arafat and the PLO were not legitimate representatives
of the Palestinian people and could never be negotiating partners. And, finally,
 that the Jewish settlements in Gaza and on the West Bank would expand
indefinitely. Palestinians in these areas might gain autonomy but never
independence. Remember these mantras? Virtually no Likud politician --
not Bibi Netanyahu, not Ariel Sharon -- espouses them today.

Sharon has a solution -- counterterrorism -- to address the crisis of the
moment. But this is a tactic, not a strategy. What next? Some speak of
a "big bang": reoccupying Gaza and the West Bank. But do Israelis really
want to rule, day to day, more than 3 million seething Palestinians? It
would make their current tensions seem trivial.

Sharon offers, in effect, the status quo, with the hope of reduced violence.
The current approach assumes that eventually the Palestinians will crack,
that time is on Israel's side. It isn't.

Two weeks ago one of Israel's leading demographers, Arnon Sofer of
Haifa University, published a monograph that has received much attention
in Israel. Sofer predicts that by 2020 the area comprising Israel and the
occupied territories will be 58 percent Arab. For Israel, the Palestinian
problem is going to get more difficult with each passing year. Arafat well
understands this, which is why he has often said that his strongest
weapon is "the womb of the Arab woman."

Sofer embraces a solution that is increasingly being discussed in Israel:
unilateral separation. It has the support, most prominently, of Ehud Barak
but also of several other senior Israeli politicians, on both the right and the
left. Sofer told me that he has briefed Sharon on the topic several times,
most recently two weeks ago. The prime minister asked whether he
could keep Sofer's maps.

Unilateral separation would mean walls. Israel would finally define its
borders. The Palestinian Authority would get most of the West Bank
and Gaza and could declare an independent state. Israel would have
relations with it, but in the guarded way it does with its other Arab
neighbors.

Obviously such a solution has technical problems -- what to do about
Jerusalem? -- but the real obstacle is that it has political costs. For
Sharon, it means that the dream of "Greater Israel" is dead. Drawing
defensible borders for Israel would require that about 30,000 Jewish
settlers in the West Bank move. For Shimon Peres and many Laborites,
separation accepts the idea that peace will remain a tense, armed truce,
not a genuine reconciliation built on economic interdependence. No new
Middle Eastern order.

"It's a counsel of despair," admits Shlomo Avineri, a distinguished Israeli
academic who was one of the first to float the idea. "But the current
situation is awful. We remain in a neocolonial relationship with the Palestinians,
which forces us to do things that are incompatible with being a democracy.
It coarsens Israeli life, making us all racists. Every time we see an Arab,
we assume he's a terrorist. And it is utterly demeaning for the Palestinians,
who are lined up and searched like cattle every day. We need to get out
of each other's hair."

Separation would also address the real danger to Israel's democracy: its
relationship with its Arab citizens. Israel's biggest problem is actually not
the Arabs in the occupied territories. It is the 1.2 million Arabs within Israel.
Having been treated as third-class citizens for decades -- they face
discrimination in housing, employment, health care and education -- they
bear a deep grudge against the Israeli state. But until recently they were
reasonably loyal Israeli citizens. Over the past few years the intifada and
Israel's response to it have radicalized them on behalf of the Palestinian
cause. And by Sofer's calculations, they will constitute 32 percent of
Israel in 2020, most of them of voting age.

Separation would help cut the cord between Israeli Arabs and the
Palestinian cause. One of their chief reasons for radicalization would end:
Israel would no longer be occupying Arabs against their will. The other --
their miserable treatment -- is also something that the Israeli government
should end. It may not be enough, but Israel cannot afford to do less,
morally or politically.

If Israel cannot produce normality in its own Arab population, whatever it
does with the Palestinians will be irrelevant. It will find itself having to
choose between being Jewish and being a democracy. This is the real
time bomb ticking within the borders of Israel.

The writer is editor of Newsweek International and a columnist
for Newsweek.



� 2001 The Washington Post Company

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