-Caveat Lector-

From
http://www.inthesetimes.com/web2521/urbina2521.html

}}>Begin


 With all eyes on Israel and the occupied territories, a similar conflict is
heating up in North Africa--and the United States is taking the wrong side.
Reversing years of U.S. policy, former Secretary  of State James Baker III is
currently pressuring the United Nations  to recognize the Moroccan
annexation of Western Sahara. This is  a dangerous shift, rewarding
aggression while exempting our ally  from international law.
Since invading Western Sahara in 1975, Morocco has systematically

     expelled several hundred thousand natives, 160,000 of whom have

      spent 25 years living in vast desert refugee camps. Almost immediately,
the United Nations declared the invasion illegal. But Morocco justified

      its occupation as part of a quasi-divine reunification of the once-divided

             nation and instead opted for 16 years of warfare against the
Polisario  Front, a pro-independence group of the native Sahrawi. At the

         same time, Morocco also began moving settlers into the area.
In 1991, the United Nations finally brokered a cease-fire by promising

     the indigenous
            population the right to vote on their

fate. They are still waiting for that opportunity. Meanwhile, Moroccan settlers--
estimated to number 390,000, according to government figures--continue to
flow in, large
            numbers of whom receive a stipend simply for
residing in the area.
            The government tries to stack the deck by
arguing that these new arrivals
            should vote in the referendum.


Now, France--whose colonial legacy ties it to Morocco--is pushing  to delay
the plebiscite, if not drop it entirely. As U.N. envoy  to Western Sahara,
Baker is having considerable success convincing  the United Nations and the
United States to renege on prior commitments.  "It's a huge shift indeed"
says John Damis, professor of political  science at Portland State University.
"For years the mantra on all  sides was 'referendum.' But suddenly things
have changed."
Ties between the United States and Morocco always have been strong.

        While secretary of state under Reagan, Baker was helped consistently
by former Moroccan King Hassan II. In 1986, Hassan invited Shimon

    Peres to a secret meeting in Morocco, breaking with Arab solidarity

       on the Palestinian front. Hassan also remained silent when his radar

           picked up American planes on their way across the Mediterranean

            to bomb Muammar Qaddafi in 1987. In the years before that, the old
king always made Moroccan troops available to act as mercenaries

   for French policing actions in West and Central Africa.
Morocco has thrown huge sums over the years at buying Beltway influence.
In 1998, Morocco doled out $100,000 per month to Cassidy  Associates, one
of Washington's largest lobby shops, to help  influence congressional opinion
on the matter. The Sahrawi have  lacked similar influence on Capitol Hill.
In June 2000, five U.N. officials commented that the referendum  could be
held immediately if the upper levels of the United Nations  would simply stop
caving to Moroccan pressure. But the Moroccan  stance on the referendum
hardened even more in January when the  United Nations published the voter
list, which disqualified more  than 100,000 Moroccan settlers. Additionally
important was the discovery  by the French press of confidential government
documents that instructed  Moroccan settlers on how to disguise themselves
as Sahrawi to qualify  for voter rolls.
Some are still standing by international law on the issue. Sens. Edward
Kennedy (D-Massachusetts), James Inhofe (R-Oklahoma), Patty  Murray (D-
Washington), Bob Smith (R-New Hampshire) and John Kerry  (D-
Massachusetts) recently sent a letter to Secretary of State Colin  Powell
reaffirming their commitment to the original U.N. position  that the people of
the Western Sahara have a right to a fair and free referendum. Likewise,
most of the members of the Organization  of African Unity have recognized
the legitimacy of the indigenous  population's claims to Western Sahara.
Supporting Morocco's invasion sends a dangerous message to rogue

     leaders. It also fosters internal instability as Morocco diverts  an
estimated $2 million daily toward militarizing its border and  implanting
settlers rather than supporting the needs of its domestic  population, 17
percent of whom live below the poverty line of $1  per day. According to Karin
von Hippell, professor in the department  of war studies at the University of
London, Morocco spends a quarter  of its total government revenue on
defense.
Whether the case is Iraq in Kuwait, Indonesia in East Timor or  Israel in
Palestine, international law clearly opposes expansionism  and protects the
right of self-determination. It remains to be seen  whether the United States
will attempt to let another ally off the  hook.
Ian Urbina is an editor of Middle East Report (www.merip.org).

End<{{
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