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Why the Bush administration wants war

Statement of the WSWS Editorial Board

14 September 2001

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2001/sep2001/war-s14_prn.shtml

In the midst of the hysterical war mongering of the US government and a
state-controlled media that knows no shame, it is more than ever necessary
to retain not only ones composure, but also ones ability to think,
analyze, and reason. It is surely appropriate to mourn the terrible loss
of life on September 11. But sympathy for the victims, their families and
friends should not blind anyone to the fact that powerful sections of the
US ruling elite view this tragedy as a welcome opportunity to implement a
militaristic agenda that has been in the works for more than a decade.

Modern wars require a pretext, a casus belli that can be packaged to the
public as a sufficient justification for the resort to arms. Every major
war in which the United States has been involved since its emergence as an
imperialist world powerfrom the Spanish-American War of 1898 to the Balkan
War of 1999has required a catalytic event that inflamed public opinion.

But whatever the nature of such trigger events, they never proved, in the
light of sober historical analysis, to be the real cause of the wars that
followed. Rather, the actual decision to go to warwhile facilitated by the
change in public opinion produced by the casus belliflowed in each
instance from more essential considerations rooted in the strategic
political and economic interests of the ruling elite.

War, said von Clausewitz in his oft-quoted aphorism, is the continuation
of politics by other means. This means, in essence, that war is a means by
which governments seek to secure political ends they could not achieve
peacefully. There is no reason to believe that this profound truth does
not apply to the events that are now unfolding in the aftermath of
Tuesdays hijackings and bombings.

The attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon have been seized on
as an opportunity to implement a far-reaching political agenda for which
the most right-wing elements in the ruling elite have been clamoring for
years. Within a day of the attack, before any light had been shed on the
source of the assault or the dimensions of the plot, the government and
the media had launched a coordinated campaign to declare that America was
at war and the American people had to accept all the consequences of
wartime existence.

The policies that are now being advancedan open-ended expansion of US
military action abroad and a crackdown on dissent at homehave long been in
preparation. The US ruling elite has been hampered in implementing such
policies by the lack of any significant support within the American
population and resistance from its imperialist rivals in Europe and Asia.

Now the Bush administration has decided to exploit the public mood of
shock and revulsion over the events of September 11 to advance the global
economic and strategic aims of American imperialism. He has the full
support of a debased media and a Democratic Party that is more than happy
to end any pretense of opposition to the Republican right.

On Thursday Bush all but admitted as much, declaring that the atrocity
carried out two days before had provided an opportunity to wage war
against terrorism. He went on to say that the conduct of this war would be
the focus of his entire administration. Such a declaration of unabashed
militarism would have been unthinkable prior to September 11. But the
assault on the World Trade Center had, in the parlance of imperialist real
politik, created new facts.

Without having begun to seriously investigate, let alone explain, the very
strange circumstances surrounding the terrorist attacks on New York and
Washington, the Bush administration and the media have declared that
all-out war is the only possible response to these events. This is before
the government has even established the political identity of the
terrorists, or answered troubling questions about how such an elaborate
plotapparently involving dozens of conspirators operating within the
United Statescould have gone completely undetected by the FBI, CIA and
associated intelligence agencies.

Nor have the Federal Aviation Administration, the Air Force or the FBI
explained the failure to issue an alert or attempt to intercept the
hijacked airliners as they swerved off course and made for the nerve
centers of the US financial and military establishment.

For all the claims of sorrow and sympathy, there could not have been a
more timely or fortuitous event for the Bush administration than the
attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. When George W. Bush
awoke on September 11, he presided over an administration in deep crisis.
Having come to power on the basis of fraud and the suppression of votes,
his government was seen by millions both in the US and around the world as
illegitimate.

The very narrow social base of support his administration had in the
beginning was rapidly eroding in the face of a deepening economic slump in
the US and around the world. Unable to advance any solution to the growth
of unemployment and catastrophic losses on the stock market, facing
criticism over the evaporation of the budget surplus and the reversal of
its pledge not to spend Social Security funds, the administration was
showing signs of internal dissension and disarray.

Some three weeks before, on August 20, the New York Times carried a
front-page article expressing the fears within ruling circles that world
capitalism was descending into a global recession of massive proportions.
The world economy, the Times wrote, which grew at a raging pace just last
year, has slowed to a crawl as the United States, Europe, Japan and some
major developing countries undergo a rare simultaneous slump.

The Times continued: The latest economic statistics from around the globe
show that many regional economic powersItaly and Germany, Mexico and
Brazil, Japan and Singaporehave become economically stagnant, defying
expectations that growth in other countries would help compensate for the
slowdown in the United States.... [M]any experts say the world is
experiencing economic whiplash, with growth rates retreating more quickly
and in more of the leading economies than at any time since the oil shock
of 1973. And this time there is no single factor to account for the
widespread weakness, persuading some economists that recovery may be slow
in coming.

We have gone from boom to bust faster than any time since the oil shock,
said Stephen S. Roach, the chief economist of Morgan Stanley, a New York
investment bank. When you screech to a halt like that, it feels like
getting thrown through the windshield.

The Times derisively described the response of the Bush administration to
the unfolding crisis: The Bush administration still puts a relatively
bright gloss on the picture. It reported with unconcealed skepticism the
White House projection of a sharp upturn in the US economy later this year
or in early 2002.

On the same day the Times reported that Ford Motor Co. was preparing to
announce more layoffs and quoted CEO Jacques Nasser as saying, We dont see
any factor thats going to restore the robustness of the economy in the
next 12 to 18 months.

The Wall Street Journal provided an equally gloomy assessment, writing:
Almost a year after the slump in high tech and manufacturing began, many
of the other pillars that have been supporting the economy are starting to
weaken. Businesses that started slashing spending on equipment and
software late last year are now doing the same on office and industrial
real estate...

Automobile sales, which were surprisingly healthy most of this year thanks
to generous incentives and low interest rates, have started to slide....
Since April, most industry groups tracked by the Labor Department have
been reducing payrolls.... Construction shaved 61,000 jobs between March
and July, the clearest example of the spillover from high tech and
manufacturing.

The mood of gloom within business circles turned to near panic last Friday
when the Labor Departments jobless report for August showed a sharp rise
in the unemployment rate, from 4.5 percent to 4.9 percent in a single
month. Nearly one million jobs were wiped out in August, as job cuts hit
every sector of the economy. Faced with the prospect of a collapse in
consumer spending, investors rushed to dump their stock holdings. The Dow
Jones Industrial Average fell 230 points, ending the day well below the
10,000 mark.

The economic crisis compounded a host of foreign policy dilemmas
confronting the Bush administration. Washingtons policy in Iraq was in a
shambles, with sanctions crumbling and the US facing open opposition from
France, Germany, Russia and China to its plans for maintaining sanctions
and intensifying its vendetta against Saddam Hussein. On this and other
major issues the US was finding itself unable to get resolutions through
the United Nations Security Council and other international bodies. On a
whole host of issuesmissile defense, global warming, an international
criminal courtthe US was in open conflict with most of its nominal allies.

The growth of social protest and anti-capitalist sentiment was expressed
in the wave of anti-globalization demonstrations, which revealed the
extreme isolation of the governments of all the major powers and rising
popular discontent over their right-wing policies, seen to be embodied
above all in the Bush administration.

But in the aftermath of the September 11 terror attack the Bush
administration, aided by a cynical and sophisticated media campaign, has
been working to whip up a patriotic war fever that will enable it to
overcome, at least temporarily, its immediate problems, while creating the
conditions for profound and lasting changes on both the foreign and
domestic front.

In the name of national unity, the Democratic Party has given Bush a blank
check to wage war, increase military spending and curtail civil liberties.
As one commentator aptly put it, We will be operating as if we have a
national unity party. That means alternative voices will be suppressed.

The Washington Post spoke for the liberal establishment in a September 14
editorial calling for the curtailment of democratic and civil rights.
Entitled New Rules, the editorial declared: [I]f replying to that attack
is truly to become an organizing principle of US policy, as we believe it
shouldif the United States is to undertake the difficult and sustained
campaign against those who threaten itthen neither politics nor diplomacy
can return to where they were.... This is most of all true as Congress and
others discuss the possible need to sacrifice privacy, freedom of movement
or other liberties to the needs of domestic security.

Tens of billions of dollars will be pumped into the economy in the form of
military and security spending, and to rebuild the devastated sections of
New York City. The viability of what remains of the social safety
netMedicare and Social Securitywill not be allowed to stand in the way of
pursuing the twilight struggle of good versus evil proclaimed by the White
House and Congress.

Every restriction on the exercise of US military might and the
counterrevolutionary activities of the CIA will be lifted. For years the
most reactionary sections of the ruling elite, in the editorial pages of
the Wall Street Journal and the publications of right-wing think tanks,
have been agitating for an end to the Vietnam syndrome and calling for the
unbridled use of military force to secure the interests of US imperialism.
Now they see the opportunity to realize their agenda.

Already leading spokesmen of both parties are demanding the rescinding of
the presidential order banning the use of assassinations as a tool of
foreign policy. The Democrats have agreed to vote for a resolution giving
the White House virtually unlimited authority to go to war against any
nation that it claims is aiding or encouraging terrorists.. There is little
doubt that one of the first targets for a massive bombing campaign,
combined with a ground invasion, will be Iraq. But other countries are
certain to follow.

As one military officer said on Wednesday, The constraints have been
lifted. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said the contemplated military
action will not be restricted to a single entity, state or non-state
entity. Georgia Democrat Zell Miller was more blunt in expressing the
bloodlust that prevails in government circles: Bomb the hell out of them.
If theres collateral damage, so be it.

Senator John McCain said the US should not rule out any force short of
nuclear weapons. New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, in a piece
entitled World War III, refused to make such a caveat, writing that while
the September 11 attack may have been the first major battle of World War
III, it may be the last one that involves only conventional, non-nuclear
weapons.

The American people, at a moment of enormous grief and anxiety, are being
told they must accept the prospect of having their sons and daughters sent
to distant parts to kill and be killed, to fight an enemy or enemies yet
to be named, and at the same time acquiesce to the gutting of their
democratic rights.

What they are not being told is that the American corporate and financial
elite, in the name of a holy war against terrorism, intends to rain death
and destruction on countless thousands of people in order to realize
global aims it has long harbored. Can there be any doubt that this crusade
for peace and stability will become the occasion for the US to tighten its
grip over the oil and natural gas resources of the Middle East, the
Persian Gulf and the Caspian? Behind the pious and patriotic declarations
of politicians and media commentators stand the long-cherished designs of
American imperialism to dominate new parts of the world and establish
global hegemony.

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