Interesting item where Netanyahu threatened to "set Washington
afire"....all this fire.
Netanyahu's son did not want to be drafted into Israeli army - so now,
this creep was on the air telling us how we had to do this and do that
for they finally have us in war.......
You know this is all about Gideon - Mossad Special Operations - murder,
inc. an contract on America part of Zionist goal.
Orde Winston went to war with his bible opened to story of Gideon and
hey, if this McVeigh was not in somebody's special services - well he
left a few messages in the Gideon placed bible.
Moles, FBI selling maps of tunnels - who do you trust? Not
Netenyahu.....with his cowardly son or is he a brave son, who does not
want to go to war.
The first attempt has been made on the life of our President...$$$$$$
Saba
Book Review
Gideon's* Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad
By Gordon Thomas, St. Martin's Press, New York, 1999, 354 pp. List:
$25.95; AET: $17.95.
Reviewed by Richard H. Curtiss
Binyamin Netanyahu arrived in Washington, DC on Jan. 19, 1998 for what
was expected to be a showdown with U.S. President Bill Clinton over the
Israeli prime minister's refusal to implement land-for-peace provisions
of the Oslo accords. Netanyahu had vowed to "set Washington on fire." To
emphasize his determination to confront Clinton, he proceeded directly
from the airport to a downtown rally with a bitter Clinton foe, American
Zionist televangelist Jerry Falwell, who distributes a videotape
accusing Clinton of complicity in drug-related murders.
The next morning, Jan. 20, The Washington Post reported that President
Clinton was having a romance with a White House intern. Later in the
day, when Netanyahu met with Clinton in the White House, nothing much
happened.
Nor did much happen Jan. 22, when Clinton met with Yasser Arafat, except
that nearly all the questions in the press conference that followed
dealt only with the White House sex scandal.
One reason the U.S.-Israel confrontation was so abruptly aborted,
according to Welsh journalist Gordon Thomas, author of Gideon's Spies:
The Secret History of the Mossad, is that a year earlier two technicians
from Mossad, Israel's external intelligence agency, had traveled from
Tel Aviv to Washington to tap the telephone lines of Clinton's
then-23-year-old girlfriend, Monica Lewinsky. Their efforts had produced
steamy tape recordings of what Lewinsky called "telephone sex."
Also, although Thomas, the 66-year-old author of 30 previous nonfiction
books and an additional seven works of fiction, doesn't mention it in
his book, if the Mossad bugged the telephone in Lewinsky's Watergate
apartment to record her conversations with the president, it would also
have known about Linda Tripp, who spent even more hours talking with
Lewinsky than did Clinton, and perhaps other Monica confidants unknown
even to special prosecutor Kenneth Starr.
That Clinton soon became aware of the Mossad tapes was made clear,
Thomas points out, by Clinton's March 1997 warning to Lewinsky that "he
believed a foreign embassy was taping their conversations."
In any case, there was no Clinton-Netanyahu confrontation in January
1998 because, only hours before Netanyahu arrived at the White House,
Clinton's dalliance was made public in The Washington Post; by writer
Michael Isikoff of its sister publication, Newsweek; and in an on-line
gossip site called the Drudge Report. It has never been made clear how
Mossad learned of the affair, who tipped off reporters Isikoff and,
later, Matt Drudge, or why everyone decided to go public with the
revelation that America's president had a mistress not much older than
his daughter just as Netanyahu arrived to "set Washington on fire." More
than a year later, the U.S. national capital is still smoldering.
According to author Thomas, Mossad's Clinton tapes also directly
affected another top-priority FBI investigation that may have roots
going all the way back to the administration of President Ronald Reagan,
when U.S. Naval counterintelligence specialist Jonathan Jay Pollard was
given a life sentence for stealing thousands of pages of classified
documents on behalf of Israel.
The stolen material relating to codes, satellite surveillance, and
intelligence sources and methods was so highly classified that the U.S.
government declined to describe it even to the sentencing judge.
According to Thomas, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir passed some
of Pollard's stolen material pertaining to U.S. intelligence-gathering
resources and capabilities to the former Soviet Union "as a gesture of
goodwill." Although Thomas doesn't say it, the Soviets reciprocated by
allowing tens of thousands of Soviet Jews to emigrate to Israel. Thomas
reports also that Shamir also was able to turn over enough of the
Pollard material to the former apartheid government of South Africa to
enable it to cripple U.S. intelligence gathering in Africa and to hide
joint Israeli-South African nuclear weapons development from U.S.
detection.
Interestingly, U.S. investigators concluded that Pollard was able to
gather such sensitive material because someone in a higher position in
the U.S. government described to Pollard's Israeli handlers the
documents he should steal.
Also, according to Thomas, Pollard's Israeli handlers were able to give
him the codes, some of them changed every few days, which were designed
to make such sensitive material inaccessible to middle-level civil
servants like Pollard.
{So the enemy within.....Saba Note}
The ongoing FBI search for an Israeli spy at the very top level of the
U.S. government received a name during Clinton's first term. On Feb. 16,
1997, a U.S. government agency intercepted a telephone call from a
Mossad agent named Dov in Israel's Washington, DC embassy to his Mossad
superior in Tel Aviv.
The Israeli ambassador wanted the agent to go to "Mega," the agent said,
to obtain a copy of guarantees then-U.S Secretary of State Warren
Christopher had given to Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat
in connection with the Israeli withdrawal from part of Hebron in the
West Bank.
"That's not what we use Mega for," the official in Tel Aviv responded,
thus setting off a renewed top-priority search by the FBI for a
high-level Israeli spy code-named "Mega." Meanwhile, according to
Thomas's book, Mossad desperately planted "spin" stories in the U.S.
media claiming that "Mega" was just Israeli government jargon for the
CIA and its program of overt cooperation with Mossad.
Ignoring the spin, the FBI had narrowed the search to the upper echelon
of the National Security Council, which includes National Security
Adviser Sandy Berger, the secretaries of state and defense, and the
employees who deal with foreign policy and military matters in the
Clinton White House, or to someone who has access to all NSC
correspondence when, according to Thomas, the FBI was ordered to
downgrade its investigation.
In his book, Thomas implies that downgrading the FBI search for "Mega,"
just when the circle of suspects had been narrowed down, was linked to
Clinton succumbing to Israeli blackmail based on the Mossad's tapes of
his telephone conversations with Monica.
Yet another Thomas allegation which will be of particular interest in
both Britain and the Middle East is that Mossad was in the process of
recruiting security chief Henri Paul of the Ritz Hotel in Paris as an
informer at the time Paul drove the automobile in which Britain's
Princess Diana and her Egyptian boyfriend, Dodi Al-Fayed, son of Paul's
employer, Harrod's department store owner Mohammad Al-Fayed, were
killed.
However, Thomas does not corroborate the widespread belief of Middle
Easterners that the death of the Princess of Wales was a conspiracy to
prevent her from marrying Al-Fayed and having a future king of England
brought up by a Muslim stepfather.
Instead, Thomas speculates that Mossad pressure being applied to Henri
Paul to become an informer or be publicly exposed for taking bribes to
inform paparrazi of the movements of celebrities drove him to the
combination of pills and alcohol that led to the high-speed accident in
which he perished.
Still another revelation in Thomas's book is that Czech-born British
publishing tycoon Robert Maxwell, whom Thomas describes as a volunteer
Mossad sayan (sayanim are locally recruited Jewish Mossad supporters
abroad), was murdered by a two-man Mossad assassination squad who, after
Maxwell was lured to the Canary Islands, slipped aboard his yacht,
killed him and pushed his body overboard.
The reason, according to Thomas, was that Maxwell was threatening to
expose secret Israeli operations if Mossad did not return funds he had
lent it from the pension fund of his London Daily Mirror newspaper to
help Mossad finance its extensive operations abroad.
This arouses a question in the mind of any reader who has followed
Israeli clandestine operations over the years. This writer had noted
that Maxwell was murdered by Israel agents while he was negotiating the
purchase of the New York Daily News, the only remaining non-Jewish-owned
New York newspaper.
A logical explanation was that when Israel was unable or unwilling to
provide the remainder of the funds needed to finance his purchase,
Maxwell had threatend to expose his extensive previous collaboration in
shady Mossad financial and media operations.
The difference might seem minor, but if Thomas's explanation for
Maxwell's assassination is accepted, U.S. investigative reporters might
someday be less inclined to look into the circumstances of the
subsequent purchase of the Daily News by U.S. real estate and media
tycoon Morton Zuckerman, whose pro-Zionist media empire in the
U.S.—which also includes U.S. News and World Report and the Atlantic
Monthly—bears some resemblance to Maxwell's in Europe.
In fact, Thomas's book outlines in some detail the manner in which
Mossad and other Israeli agencies have built up a network of prestigious
publications and journalists in order to have the means to discredit
Israel's enemies, and to float false explanations for events that might
otherwise discredit Israel.
There are other omissions from Thomas's book which seem curious. For
example, there is no mention of the infamous Lavon affair, the 1954
firebombing of U.S. government diplomatic establishments and libraries
in Egypt by young Israeli-trained Egyptian Jews in order to cool the
blossoming friendship between Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and
the U.S. government. Although the operation was carried out by Israeli
military intelligence (Aman) rather than Mossad, its spectacular
failure, which poisoned Israeli domestic politics for years afterward,
seems worthy of mention.
Similarly, there is no mention of the assault by Israeli fighter-bombers
and torpedo boats on the USS Liberty, a "ferret" ship operated by the
U.S. Navy for the National Security Agency, in which 34 U.S. crew
members were killed and 171 wounded. Surviving crew members insist the
lengthy Israeli attack was a deliberate attempt to send the ship, which
was monitoring all military communications in the area, to the bottom
and blame Egypt.
However, both Congress and the executive branch have steadfastly refused
to investigate the tragedy that took place on the fourth day of the
Six-Day Arab-Israeli war of June 1967.
Thomas explains in the final pages of his book that he was approached in
August 1994, by Zvi Spielmann, creator of Israel's United Film Studios,
which has co-produced many films with Hollywood production companies, to
write and present a television documentary on Mossad. He discovered
there was very little hard information on Mossad other than the
unauthorized and highly revealing works of Mossad defector Victor
Ostrovsky, and another Israeli source, Ari Ben-Menashe, whose
credibility remains unproven.
Thomas lived as a boy in both Egypt and Palestine, where his father was
an officer in the Royal Air Force, and his father-in-law was an
intelligence officer in Europe. But Thomas was otherwise heavily
dependent upon background interviews with Israeli sources to whom he
presumably was steered by Spielmann.
The resulting film, and now the book, might therefore be described as an
authorized biography of Mossad which, because the author is an outsider,
remains deniable.
It contains at least cursory accounts of a great many incidents that
have been reported previously. Among these are the familiar stories of
Wolfgang Lotz, the Israeli spy who successfully posed as a German horse
trainer in Cairo and who, after his capture in 1965, was exchanged for
Egyptian prisoners of war; Israeli spy Eli Cohen, who was caught and
hanged in 1965 in Syria; Israeli collaboration with French intelligence
agents in the kidnapping, torture and murder of Moroccan opposition
leader Mehdi Ben Barka in 1965; the spectacular rescue by Israeli
special forces of Jewish passengers from an Air France plane hijacked by
Palestinians to Entebbe, Uganda in 1976; and the 1986 Mossad kidnapping
of Mordechai Vanunu, a Moroccan-born Israeli Jew who, after his
conversion to Christianity, blew the whistle on Israel's nuclear weapons
program.
Vanunu was lured from Britain, where he had been talking to the London
Times, to Rome by American-born Mossad agent Cindy Johnson, aka Cheryl
Ben-Tov, who has returned to her original home in Orlando, Florida where
she now lives peacefully while the man she betrayed to kidnappers for
revealing the existence of Israel's hidden nuclear weapons plant in
Dimona is serving a 20-year prison sentence in Israel.
Less familiar to Western readers may be Thomas's accounts of how
Mossad's Al (Hebrew for "highest") unit "prowled through California's
Silicon Valley and Boston's Route 128 for high-tech secrets"; how
Mossad's LAP operation puts an Israeli "spin" on media accounts of
events all over the world; how the FBI's James Kallstrom remarked that
"if there was a way to nail those bastards in Tel Aviv for time wasting,
I sure would like to see it happen," after Mossad's sayanim in the U.S.
media faithfully inserted into their reports and publications every LAP
falsehood aimed at blaming Arabs or Muslims for the accidental explosion
of Trans World Airlines Flight 800 off Long Island in 1996; how LAP
tried to do the same thing at the time of the bombing of the Atlanta
Olympic Games; of how Abraham Fineberg, "a Zionist supporter of Israel's
nuclear aspirations," sought to buy control of President John F.
Kennedy's Middle East policy with a $500,000 campaign contribution and
then threatened to withhold support for a re-election campaign if
Kennedy insisted on an inspection of Israel's nuclear weapons plant at
Dimona; the failed attempt to assassinate Jordanian Hamas leader Khaled
Meshal in Amman in 1997; the Israeli role in instigating and then
keeping alive the Israeli sale of American arms to Iran in exchange for
the release of American hostages which eventually became the Irangate
scandal, for which President Reagan was nearly impeached; the extremes
to which hatred of the U.S. and Britain and grudging admiration for Nazi
Germany drove Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir; Israel's role in
the murky Inslaw case involving the theft of U.S. computer software
which enables Israel to tap into law enforcement data banks all over the
world; the concoction of a false plot which seemed to implicate Syria in
a scheme to blow up an El Al commercial flight originating in Britain in
1986; the murder of Ali Hassan Salameh, who helped plan the seizure of
Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympic games in 1972, but who also was
the principal American source of intelligence about Palestinian
resistance groups; a murky account of unsolved mysteries surrounding the
explosion of PanAm Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland; the Mossad
assassination of Canadian-American weapons developer Gerald Bull in
Brussels in 1990; and myriad references to Mossad involvement in far
more murders in the Middle East and Europe than Israel has ever
admitted.
Most shocking, perhaps, is Thomas's reiteration of the report first
aired by Mossad defector Ostrovsky that Israeli Mossad agents were aware
of the truck bomb being constructed in Beirut for use against U.S.
peacekeeping forces there.
Mossad withheld the information from the U.S. and allowed the Oct. 23,
1983 attack, in which 241 Americans were killed, to take place.
In deference to the book reviewers' tradition of pointing up niggling
problems, there are typos on pp. 106, 126, 189, and 249 which the
publishers can correct in a second edition. And, mangled almost beyond
recognition on p. 140, is the name of former Iranian Savak agent
Manocher Ghorbanifar, who was so deeply involved in luring Reagan
administration officials into the Israeli-inspired Irangate morass.
Much more important is the question of whether the principal purpose of
this book is to put a Mossad spin on some events that, if they become
better known, could be highly damaging to Israel, or whether it is to
convince both Israelis and their Jewish financial backers throughout the
world that Mossad is doing its job and deserves continued budgetary
support, or both.
It's also possible, of course, that the author and his sponsors simply
hope to make a profit and timed the book's March 1999 release to exploit
current world-wide interest in the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal and the
tragic death of Diana, Princess of Wales.
Regardless of motives and seemingly minor inaccuracies, Gideon's Spies
is a
gripping and informative narrative. Everyone interested in the long
history of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute, and its far-reaching effects
on the Arab states, the United States, and virtually every other country
in the world, should read it.
*Gideon was an Old Testament hero who saved the Israelites from defeat
by superior forces because he had superior intelligence.
Richard H. Curtiss is the executive editor of the Washington Report on
Middle East Affairs.
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