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BRAINWASHING:
How The British Use The Media for Mass Psychological Warfare


by L. Wolfe

Printed in The American Almanac, May 5, 1997.
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End of Page Mass Brainwashing   Site Map    Overview Page
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``I know the secret of making the average American believe anything I want
him to. Just let me control television.... You put something on the
television and it becomes reality. If the world outside the TV set
contradicts the images, people start trying to change the world to make it
like the TV set images....''
--Hal Becker, media ``expert'' and management consultant, the Futures Group,
in an interview in 1981 [1]

In the 15 years since Becker's comment, Americans have become even more
``wired'' into a mass media network that now includes computer and video
games, as well as the Internet--an all-surrounding network whose power is so
pervasive that it is almost taken for granted. As the standup comic said,
``We are really a media conscious people. I know a guy who was run over by a
car in the street. He didn't want to go to the hospital. Instead, he dragged
himself over to the nearest bar, to check out whether he made it onto the
evening news. When it wasn't on, he said, `What does a guy have to do, get
killed, to get on television?'|''

In the highest circles of the British monarchy and its Club of Isles, this
great power is not taken for granted. Rather, it is carefully manipulated and
directed, as Becker describes from a limited standpoint, to create and mold
popular opinion. In a 1991 report published by the Malthusian Club of Rome,
entitled ``The First Global Revolution,'' Sir Alexander King, top adviser on
science and education policy to the royal family and Prince Philip, wrote
that new advances in communications technology will greatly expand the power
of the media, both in the advanced and developing sectors. The media, he
proclaimed, is the most powerful weapon and ``agent of change'' in the fight
to establish a ``one-worldist,'' neo-Malthusian order that will transcend and
obliterate the concept of the nation-state.


``It is certainly necessary to engage in a broad debate with the journalists
and the top media executives involved to study the conditions for them to be
able to define this new role,''
 King wrote.

In his project, King's Club of Rome can count on cooperation from the media
cartel, which is a British asset, as documented in our report. It can also
call on the capabilities of a mass psychological warfare machine, also run by
the British and their assets, which extends into key phases of media
production, and includes writers and psychiatrists who help shape the
content, and the pollsters who fine-tune and analyze the impact on targetted
populations. Beyond this interacting network, there are millions of
participants involved in the production, distribution, and transmission of
media messages, whose thinking, in turn, has been shaped by the content of
the media product, and who are, effectively, self-brainwashed by the culture
within which they live.
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The Tavistock "Mother"
The historic center of this mass psywar apparatus is based outside London, in
the Tavistock Center. [2] Established in the aftermath of World War I under
the patronage of the Duke George of Kent (1902-42), the original Tavistock
Clinic, led by John Rawlings Rees, developed as the psychological warfare
center for the royal family and British intelligence. Rees and a cadre group
of Freudian and neo-Freudian psychiatrists, applied wartime experience of
psychological collapse, to create theories about how such conditions of
breakdown could be induced, absent the terror of war. The result was a theory
of mass brainwashing, involving group experience, that could be used to alter
the values of individuals, and through that, induce, over time, changes in
the axiomatic assumptions that govern society.

In the 1930s, Tavistock's extended networks developed a symbiotic
relationship with the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research, created by
European oligarchical networks, which focussed on the study and criticism of
culture from a neo-Freudian standpoint. In the late 1930s, with its
operations transferred from Germany to the New York area, the Frankfurt
School coordinated the first analysis of the impact of a mass media
phenomenon, i.e., radio, on culture--the Princeton-based ``Radio Research
Project.'' [3]

With the outbreak of World War II, Tavistock operatives took effective
control of the Psychological Warfare Directorate of the British Army, while
its allied network in the United States embedded itself in the American
psychological warfare apparatus, including the Committee on National Morale
and the Strategic Bombing Survey.

By war's end, the combined influence of Tavistock (which became the Tavistock
Institute in 1947) and of the former Frankfurt School operatives, had created
a cadre of ``psychological shock troops,'' as Rees called them, and
``cultural warriors'' numbering in the several thousands. Today that network
numbers in the several millions around the world, and it is the single most
important factor in determining the design and content of mass media product.
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The "Pictures in Your Head"
In 1922, Walter Lippmann defined the term ``public opinion'' as follows:

 ``The pictures inside the heads of human beings, the pictures of themselves,
of others, of their needs and purposes, and relationship, are their public
opinions. Those pictures which are acted upon by groups of people, or by
individuals acting in the name of groups, are Public Opinion, with capital
letters.''


Lippmann, who was the first to translate Sigmund Freud's works into English,
was to become one of the most influential of political commentators. [4] He
had spent World War I at the British psychological warfare and propaganda
headquarters in Wellington House, outside of London, in a group that included
Freud's nephew, Eduard Bernays. [5] Lippmann's book Public Opinion, published
one year after Freud's Mass Psychology, which touched on similar themes, was
a product of his tutelage by the Rees networks. It is through the media,
Lippmann writes, that most people come to develop those ``pictures in their
heads,'' giving the media ``an awesome power.''

The Rees networks had spent World War I studying the effects of war
psychosis, and its breakdown of individual personality. From their work, an
evil thesis emerged: Through the use of terror, man can be reduced to a
childlike and submissive state, in which his powers of reason are clouded,
and in which his emotional response to various situations and stimuli can
become predictable, or in Tavistockian terms, ``profilable.'' By controlling
the levels of anxiety, it is possible to induce a similar state in large
groups of people, whose behavior can then be controlled and manipulated by
the oligarchical forces for whom Tavistock worked. [6]

Mass media were capable of reaching large numbers of people with programmed
or controlled messages, which is key to the creation of ``controlled
environments'' for brainwashing purposes. As Tavistock's researches showed,
it was important that the victims of mass brainwashing not be aware that
their environment was being controlled; there should thus be a vast number of
sources for information, whose messages could be varied slightly, so as to
mask the sense of external control. Where possible, the messages should be
offered and reinforced through ``entertainments,'' which could be consumed,
without apparent coercion, and with the victim perceiving himself as making a
choice between various options and outlets.

Lippmann observes in his book that people are more than willing to reduce
complex problems to simplistic formulas, to form their opinion by what they
believe others around them believe; truth hardly enters into such
considerations. Appearance of reports in the media confer the aura of reality
upon those stories: If they weren't factual, then why would they be reported?
Lippmann says the average person believes. People whose fame is in turn built
up by the media, such as movie stars, can become ``opinion leaders,'' with as
much power to sway public opinion as political figures.

Were people to think about this process too much, it might break down; but,
he writes,

``the mass of absolutely illiterate, of feeble minded, grossly neurotic,
undernourished and frustrated individuals is very considerable, much more
considerable, there is reason to think, than we generally suppose. Thus a
wide popular appeal is circulated among persons who are mentally children or
barbarians, whose lives are a morass of entanglements, people whose vitality
is exhausted, shut-in people, and people whose experience has comprehended no
factor in the problem under discussion.''


Stating that he saw a progression to ever-less-thought-provoking forms of
media, Lippmann marvels at the power of the nascent Hollywood movie industry
to shape public opinion. Words, or even a still picture, require an effort
for the person to form a ``picture in the mind.'' But, with a movie,

``the whole process of observing, describing, reporting, and then imagining
has been accomplished for you. Without more trouble than is needed to stay
awake, the result which your imagination is always aiming at is reeled off on
the screen.''
 Significantly, as an example of the power of movies, he uses the D.W.
Griffith propaganda film for the Ku Klux Klan, ``The Birth of a Nation''; no
American, he writes, will ever hear the name of the Klan again, ``without
seeing those white horsemen.''

Popular opinion, Lippmann observes, is ultimately determined by the desires
and wishes of an elite ``social set.'' That set, he states, is a

``powerful, socially superior, successful, rich urban social set [which] is
fundamentally international throughout the Western Hemisphere and in many
ways, London is its center. It counts among its membership the most
influential people in the world, containing as it does the diplomatic sets,
high finance, the upper circles of the army and navy, some princes of the
church, the great newspaper proprietors, their wives, mothers, and daughters
who wield the scepter of invitation. It is at once a great circle of talk and
a real social set.''


In a typical elitist fashion, Lippmann concludes that coordination of public
opinion is lacking in precision. If the goal of a one-worldist ``Great
Society'' is to be realized, then ``public opinion must be organized for the
press, not by the press.'' It is not sufficient to rely on the whims of a
``super social set'' to manipulate the ``pictures in people's heads''; that
job ``can only be managed by a specialized class'' which operates through
``intelligence bureaus.'' [7]
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The "Radio Research Project"
As Lippmann was writing, the radio, the first major mass media technology to
invade the home, was coming into prominence. Unlike the movies, which were
viewed in theaters by large groups of people, the radio provided an
individualized experience within the home, and centered on the family. By
1937, out of 32 million American families, some 27.5 million had a radio
set--a larger percentage than had cars, telephones, or even electricity.

That same year, the Rockefeller Foundation funded a project to study the
effects of radio on the population. [8] Recruited to what became known as the
``Radio Research Project,'' headquartered at Princeton University, were
sections of the Frankfurt School, now transplanted from Germany to America,
as well as individuals such as Hadley Cantril and Gordon Allport, who were to
become key components of Tavistock's American operations. Heading the project
was the Frankfurt School's Paul Lazerfeld; his assistant directors were
Cantril and Allport, along with Frank Stanton, who was to head the CBS News
division, and later become its president, as well as chairman of the board of
the RAND Corporation.

The project was presaged by theoretical work done earlier in the studies of
war propaganda and psychosis, and the work of Frankfurt School operatives
Walter Benjamin and Theodor Adorno. This earlier work had converged on the
thesis that mass media could be used to induce regressive mental states,
atomizing individuals and producing increased lability. (These induced mental
conditions were later dubbed by Tavistock itself as ``brainwashed'' states,
and the process of inducing them called ``brainwashing.'')

In 1938, at the time he was head of the music section of the Radio Research
Project, Adorno wrote that listeners to radio music programs:

``fluctuate between comprehensive forgetting and sudden dives into
recognition. They listen atomistically and dissociate what they hear.... They
are not childlike, but they are childish; their primitivism is not that of
the undeveloped, but that of the forcibly retarded.''


The Radio Research Project's findings, published in 1939, backed up Adorno's
thesis of ``enforced retardation,'' and serve as a brainwashers' handbook.

In studies on the serialized radio dramas, commonly known as ``soap operas''
(so named, because many were sponsored by soap manufacturers), Herta Hertzog
found that their popularity could not be attributed to any socio-economic
characteristics of listeners, but rather to the serialized format itself,
which induced habituated listening. The brainwashing power of serialization
was recognized by movie and television programmers; to this day, the
afternoon ``soaps'' remain among the most addictive of television fare, with
70% of all American women over 18 watching at least two of these shows each
day.

Another Radio Research Project study investigated the effects of the 1938
Orson Welles radio dramatization of H.G. Wells's The War of the Worlds, about
an invasion from Mars. Some 25% of the listeners to the show, which was
formatted as if it were a news broadcast, believed that an invasion was under
way, creating a national panic--this, despite repeated and clear statements
that the show was fictional. Radio Project researchers found that most people
didn't believe that Martians had invaded, but rather that a German invasion
was under way. This, the researchers reported, was because the show had
followed the ``news bulletin'' format that had earlier accompanied accounts
of the war crisis around the Munich conference. Listeners reacted to the
format, not the content of the broadcast.

The project's researchers had proven that radio had already so conditioned
the minds of its listeners, making them so fragmented and unthinking, that
repetition of format was the key to popularity. [9]
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The "One-Eyed Babysitter"
Television was beginning to make its entrance as the next mass media
technology at the time the Radio Research Project's findings were published
in 1939. First experimented with on a large scale in Nazi Germany during the
1936 Berlin Olympics, TV made its splashy public appearance at the 1939 New
York World's Fair, where it attracted large crowds. Adorno and others
immediately recognized its potential as a mass-brainwashing tool. In 1944, he
wrote,

``Television aims at the synthesis of radio and film ... but its consequences
are enormous and promise to intensify the impoverishment of aesthetic matter,
so drastically that by tomorrow, the thinly veiled identity of all industrial
culture products can come triumphantly out in the open, derisively fulfilling
the Wagnerian dream of Gesamtkunstwerk--the fusion of all arts in one work.''


As was obvious from even the earliest clinical studies of television (some of
which were conducted in the late 1940s and early 1950s by Tavistock
operatives), viewers, over a relatively short period of time, entered into a
trance-like state of semi-awareness, characterized by a fixed stare. The
longer one watched, the more pronounced the stare. In such a condition of
twilight-like semi-awareness, they were susceptible to messages both
contained in the programs themselves, and through transference, in the
advertising. They were being brainwashed. [10]

Television moved from being a neighborhood oddity, to mass penetration of
especially urban areas, during approximately 1947-52. As Lyndon LaRouche has
observed, this coincided with a critical period in the nation's psychological
life. The dreams of millions of World War II veterans, and their high hopes
of building a better world, crashed to earth in the morally corrupt
leadership of the Truman administration and ensuing economic depression.
These veterans retreated into family life, their jobs, their homes, their
living rooms. And, in the center of those living rooms was their new
television set, whose banal images provided assurance that the corrupt moral
choices they had made were correct.

The earliest programming fell back on the tested models of radio, as
described in the Radio Research Project: the situation comedy, or ``sitcom,''
the game shows, the variety shows, sports, and the ``soaps.'' Many were in
serial form, with interlocking characters, if not stories. All were banal,
deliberately designed so.

The children of these unhappy veterans, the so-called baby boomers, became
the first generation to be weaned on what LaRouche calls ``the one-eyed
babysitter.'' Television viewing was encouraged by parents, often as a means
of controlling the children, who would stare at whatever was on the screen
for hours on end. The content of the first children's programs was banal (but
no more so than the television programming in general), and mentally
destructive; even more destructive was the replacement of real family
interaction by television viewing, as the dinner table was replaced by the
``TV dinner'' in front of the tube. Not surprisingly, the children fixated
obsessively on the items advertised by the media, demanding that they be
given such items, lest they not be like their friends. [11]

In the mid-1970s, Eric Trist, who, until his death in 1993, headed
Tavistock's operations in the United States, and Tavistock's main media
``expert,'' Fred Emery, reported on their findings of the impact of 20 years
of television on American society. In Emery's 1975 work, Futures We Are In,
they reported that the content of programming was no longer as important as
the sheer amount of television viewing. Average daily viewing time had risen
steadily over the two decades since the introduction of the medium, such that
by the mid-1970s, it ranked as a daily activity only behind sleep and work,
at almost six hours a day (since then, it has risen still further, to more
than seven hours, with the addition of video games, home videos, and so on);
among school-age children, the time spent viewing television ranked just
behind school attendance. These findings, Tavistock indicated, strongly
suggested that television was like an addictive drug. Similarly, Emery
reported on neurological studies which, he claimed, showed that repeated
television viewing ``shuts down the central nervous system of man.''

Whether this claim holds up under scientific scrutiny, Emery and Trist
present persuasive argument that general, extensive television viewing lowers
the capacity for conceptual thinking about what is being presented on the
screen. The studies show that the mere presence of images on television,
especially within appropriate news or documentary format, but also within
general viewing, tends to ``validate'' those images, and imbue them with a
sense of ``reality.''

Trist and Emery find nothing wrong with such developments, which indicate
that television is producing a brain-dead generation. Rather, they show how
this development fits into a larger global plan for social control,
implemented by Tavistock and its allied networks on behalf of its sponsors.
Society, they state in A Choice of Futures, a book published in the same time
period, has been plunging through progressively lowered states of mental
awareness, to a point where even the Orwellian fascist state is not
attainable. At this point, thanks to television and other mass media, mankind
is in a state of dissociation, whose political outcome will be manifested in
a ``Clockwork Orange'' society, named for the book by the late Anthony
Burgess, in which roving youth gangs habitually commit acts of random
violence, and then return home to watch the news about what they have done on
the ``tube.''

The brainwashers point out that this development, for which they say the
violence of Northern Ireland is a model, was not induced by the effects of
television alone. Society has been put through ``social turbulence'' in a
series of economic and political shocks, which included the war in Vietnam,
the oil price shocks, and the assassination of political leaders. The
psychological impact of those events, for whose responsibility they neglect
to properly ascribe to the Anglo-American establishment, were magnified by
their being brought into homes, in gory and terrifying detail, by television
news broadcasts. Under the Trist-Emery scenario, one can imagine hearing the
tag line for a future late news program: ``The end of the world. Details at
11.''
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Consolidating the Paradigm
In a 1991 anthology of the work's of Tavistock which he edited, Trist wrote
that all of the international ``nodes'' or centers of the institute's
brainwashing apparatus were deployed for the central purpose of consolidating
the paradigm-shift to a ``post-industrial world order.'' Their goal, he
stated, was to make the shift irreversible. In this work, and in other
locations, Trist, like Alexander King, urges a mass ``reeducational''
campaign to break the last vestiges of national resistance, especially within
the United States, to this new, one-world order.

Approximately ten1 years earlier, another of Tavistock's minions, Bertram
Gross, in a paper delivered to a 1981 World Future Society conference
attended by Al Gore, provided a glimpse of what this ``new world order''
might look like. Gross argued that in the period ahead, the world would be
offered what Tavistock likes to call a ``critical choice''--a set of options,
all of which appear to be bad, but, because of applied terror and pressure of
events, a choice is nonetheless forced and the ``less bad'' option taken.
Western industrial society will break down into chaos; this chaos can, he
said, either lead to a fascism of the authoritarian type that the British
helped install in Nazi Germany, or to a more humane and benevolent form of
fascism, which Gross called a ``friendly fascism.'' The choice, Gross
proclaimed, is to attempt to go back to the old industrial paradigm, under
which there will be Nazi fascism; or, to embrace post-industrialism, where
there will be a ``friendly fascism.'' The latter, he said, is clearly
preferable, since it is merely a transition to a new ``global information
world order,'' which will involve more personal choice and freedom, a true
open and participatory mass democracy.

For Gross, the choice is clear: In any case, there will be pain and
suffering; but only the ``friendly fascism'' of the global information order,
of a society wired together by cable television, satellites, and computer
lines, offers hope for a better ``future.''

Who shall administer this ``friendly fascist'' world order? Gross explained
that there now truly exists a ``Golden International,'' a term that he
credited to the late Communist International (Comintern) leader Nikolai
Bukharin. It is an enlightened international elite, based within the powerful
European-centered oligarchy that controls the global multinational
communications industry, as well as other critical resources and global
finance. This elite must be instructed and informed by the intelligence of
the Tavistock networks; they must be shown that the great masses of
television-fixated mental zombies can be won easily to this brave new world,
through inducements of entertainments and the endless supply of
``information.'' Once the masses are won over, through ``education,'' then
the resistance within national sectors will collapse.

In 1989, under the initiative of Trist, Tavistock convened a seminar at Case
Western Reserve University to discuss the means to bring about a
``stateless'' international fascism--a new global information world order. In
1991, Tavistock devoted its journal, Human Relations, to the publication of
the papers from that conference. In several of the papers, the call went out
for the deployment of the mass media on behalf of this project.

In addition, since 1981, there was now a new technology at the disposal of
the brainwashers--the Internet. According to Harold Perlmutter, one of the
participants at the Case Western seminar, the Internet represented a
subversive means to penetrate national borders with ``information'' about
this new world order; it also serves as a glue for a network of
non-governmental organizations, all circulating propaganda for the new world
order. These NGOs are to be the superstructure upon which the new world order
is to be built. Perlmutter, and other conference participants, argued that
their movement cannot be beaten, because it doesn't exist, in a formal sense.
It resides in the minds of its conspirators, minds informed by Tavistock's
mass-media brainwashing machine. As television was the information drug
during the last half of this millennium, so the Internet, with its glut of
mostly useless chatter and ``information,'' with its subversive, programmed
messages, is to be the new ``drug'' of the next millennium, Tavistock boasts.
[12]

``Americans don't really think--they have opinions, feelings,'' said the
Futures Group's Hal Becker in a 1981 interview. ``Television creates opinion,
then validates it. Are they brainwashed by the tube? It is really more than
that. I think that people have lost their ability to relate the images of
their own lives without television intervening. This really is what we mean
when we say we have a wired society. We are headed for an Orwellian society,
but Orwell made a mistake in 1984. Big Brother doesn't need to watch you, as
long as you watch it. And who can say that this is really so bad?''

------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Fly in the Ointment
But, even within the elitist circles of Tavistock's international networks,
there is a faint glimmer that something might be seriously awry in their
plan. It was expressed by an author quoted by Emery back in 1973, who
wondered aloud what might happen when the television-addicted baby-boomer
generation fully takes over the reins of leadership. Have we really prepared
them to lead? Can they think and solve problems? Emery dismisses the problem,
indicating that there is enough time yet to train such leadership cadre.

But the questions linger. In 1981, at the World Future Society event at which
Gross delivered his paean to the ``friendly fascist'' ``global information
order,'' Tony Lentz, an assistant professor of speech at the Pennsylvania
State University, observed that he had witnessed destruction of oral and
written skills, by the mass media and television; not only could most
students not write coherently, but they could not even speak intelligently.
This was not merely a function of miseducation, he stated in his paper, ``The
Medium Is Madness,'' but also because they had no desire to think. Arguing
that Plato states that our knowledge of the world must be based on knowing
the mind of someone who knows something about it, Lentz said that television
has left people with the idea that mere images represent knowledge. There is
no questioning, no effort to get inside the mind of someone, merely dialogue
and image, sound and fury, that certainly signify nothing. [13]

``Allowing ourselves to be influenced by the subtle but powerful illusions
presented by television,'' wrote Lentz, ``leads to a kind of mass madness
that can have rather frightening implications for the future of the nation
... We will have begun to see things that aren't there, giving someone else
the power to make up our illusions for us. The prospect is frightening, and
given our cultural heritage we should know better.''
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Notes


1.  [return to text]
The Futures Group, a private think-tank, was one of the first organizations
to specialize in the use of computer interfaces in psychological
manipulations of corporate executives and political leaders. In 1981, it
pioneered the RAPID program for the U.S. State Department, which used
computer-driven graphics to brainwash select developing sector leaders into
supporting International Monetary Fund conditionalities and population
control programs. It was also involved in extensive profiling of the U.S.
population for major multinationals.

2.  [return to text]
The LaRouche movement undertook groundbreaking work on the Tavistock network
in 1973-74, and published the results of its investigations in Campaigner
magazine (Winter 1973, Spring 1974 issues). Additional work has been
published in EIR, most recently in the May 24, 1996 issue, a Special Report
entitled ``The Sun Never Sets on the British Empire.''

3.  [return to text]
For a comprehensive report on the Frankfurt School and its network, including
its role in shaping mass media policy and cultural warfare, see Michael
Minnicino, ``The New Dark Age: The Frankfurt School and `Political
Correctness,'|'' Fidelio, Winter 1992.

4.  [return to text]
Lippmann, who migrated from Fabian Socialist networks to the circles of the
Thomas Dewey and the Dulles brothers, became the spokesman for an American
imperialist faction that was controlled by the British, and deployed against
the anti-imperial policy outlook of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. See
Lyndon LaRouche, The Case of Walter Lippmann (New York: Campaigner
Publications Inc., 1977).

5.  [return to text]
Bernays is important in his own right, as the person who created ``Madison
Ave.'' advertising, based on the tricks of Freudian psychological
manipulation.

6.  [return to text]
All Tavistock psychology (as well as Freudian psychology) proceeds from the
image of man as a sensate beast. It explicitly rejects, with great malice,
the Judeo-Christian view of man as created in the image of God, meaning that
man, and man alone, is endowed by his Creator with creativity. Tavistock,
which claims that all creativity derives solely from sublimated neurotic or
erotic impulses, sees the human mind merely as a slate on which it can draw
and redraw its ``pictures.''

7.  [return to text]
This is similar to the notion, put foward by Rees in his book The Shaping of
Psychiatry by War, of the creation of a elite group of psychiatrists who
will, on behalf of the ruling oligarchy, ensure the ``mental health'' of the
world.

8.  [return to text]
The Nazis had already extensively used radio propaganda for brainwashing, as
an integral element of the fascist state. This was observed and studied by
the Tavistock networks.

9.  [return to text]
It is important to note that there is nothing inherently evil with radio,
television, or any form of technology. What makes them dangerous is the
control of their use and content by the Club of Isles networks for evil
purposes, to create habituated, and even fixated listeners and viewers, whose
critical capacities are thus seriously impaired.
10. [return to text]
For a more comprehensive discussion of television, its programming, and its
brainwashing of the American population, see the 16-part series ``Turn Off
Your Television,'' by this author in the New Federalist, 1990-93. It is
available in reprint from EIR.

11. [return to text]
One of Tavistock's specialties is the study of the psychological manipulation
of children, and the impact of advertising on young minds. Such advertising
is carefully crafted to lure children into desiring the advertised product.

12. [return to text]
There has been a massive investment in the infrastructure of the Internet,
disproportionate to available near-term, or even intermediate-term return.
This leads one to speculate that such investment is in fact a ``loss
leader,'' for the intended psychological impacts of the new technology.

13. [return to text]
While such expressions are an echo of Platonic thinking, they are merely
that--an echo. For a better understanding of the problem of education, see
Lyndon LaRouche, ``On the Subject of Metaphor,'' Fidelio, Fall 1992.


------------------------------------------------------------------------

*   The Media Cartel That Controls What You Think, by L. Wolfe, The American
Almanac, May 5, 1997.
*   The Cartelization of the Media, by Jeffrey Steinberg, The American
Almanac, May 5, 1997.
*   Direct British Control of the U.S. Media, The American Almanac, May 5,
1997.
*   British "Fellow Travellers" Control Major U.S. Media, by Jeffrey
Steinberg, The American Almanac, May 5, 1997.
*   Tavistock's Language Project: The Origin of "Newspeak", The American
Almanac, May 5, 1997.
*   For Whom The Polls Toll, by L. Wolfe, The American Almanac, May 5, 1997.



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The preceding article is a rough version of the article that appeared in The
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Federalist Newspaper. Any use of, or quotations from, this article must
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EIR Issue: Who Controls the Media?, $10.00.

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Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End

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