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source - CounterPunch http://www.counterpunch.org/agee1.html

The USA and International Terrorism

The Cold War never really ended. It did so along the east-west
axis.

But the Cold War always had a north-south dimension-- the war
against forces of liberation in Third World countries. That never
ended, and it continues today. [Through my studies] I gradually
came to the conclusion that what my CIA colleagues and I had been
doing during the 1950s and '60s was nothing more than a continuation
of nearly five hundred years of exploitation and political repression.

by Philip Agee

I would like to begin by citing a well-known observation of A. J.

Liebling, a U.S. journalist and media critic who was active during
the mid-1900s: "Freedom of the press is guaranteed only to those
who own one," he said.

In a sense, this has always been true. News media in general, except
for state-funded organizations, are part of the private sector. I
know that, here in Sweden as in Britain, you have state television
and state radio. But generally speaking, and certainly in the United
States, the press has always been in the private sector.

The Power of the Word

The United States - that is, the political class of the United
States - has known about the power of the word for a very, very
long time. A personal experience may serve to illustrate how powerful
the written word can be.

For legal reasons, I stayed away from the United States for about
seventeen years-- from the time I started work on my first book,
in the early 1970s, until my autobiography was ready for publication
in 1987. The publisher of the latter was very eager for me to return
to the States for the promotion of the book, but my lawyers all
warned me not to take a chance. They suspected that there could be
secret criminal indictment, as there could have been all those
years, and argued that the risk was not worth it.

My wife and I decided that we would take that risk. We went back,
and they didn't touch me. I did the promotion of the book, and that
began ten years of frequent travel to the U.S. for lectures at
universities and speeches at political rallies, civic centres,
churches, even out in the street. Altogether, and must have spoken
at more than 500 events in the United States.

One of my trips, around 1989 or 1990, was to the University of
California at Santa Cruz. When the organizers told me that the
event was scheduled to take place at a civic centre with room for
about 3000 people, my reaction was: "Oh,my god! We are going to
look like we're all alone in there. We will never attract more than
a couple of hundred people." But they said, "Don't worry. You'll
see."

Sure enough, on the night of the meeting the arena was packed.
During the discussion period after my talk, which was about the
war in Central America still going on at the time, a man stood up
way in the back. He was a very large person, with a lot of long
hair, a bushy beard, and a plaid lumberjack shirt. He paused for
a moment, and then said my name in an enormous, booming voice:
"Philip Agee!" He said, "Philip Agee, I want to thank you for saving
my life!"

With that, the place became as quiet as you could imagine. You
could have heard the proverbial pin drop. He went on to tell the
story of how he was seriously wounded in Vietnam, and had to spend
several years in a veterans' hospital in the United States. While
in hospital, he became despondent: He thought there was no hope,
and decided to commit suicide. But then someone gave him a copy of
my first book.

He said: "When I read that book, it changed my life." He said that
he decided then not to end his life, but to spend the rest of it
helping Vietnam War veterans who had problems like his own. From
that point in the mid-1970s until the time of this meeting some
fifteen years later, he had made a career of social work among
Vietnam War veterans suffering from mental problems because of the
things that they had done and seen in Vietnam.

This is merely one personal story, but it indicates the strength
of the written word. Possibly, one life was saved-- possibly.

Covert Action

The CIA, as you probably know, was founded in the years following
World War II-- supposedly, to prevent another Pearl Harbor, the
Japanese surprise attack which brought the United States into that
war. In that sense, the events of September 11th represent a terrible
failure on the part of the CIA and the rest of the U.S. intelligence
establishment.

There are at least twelve or thirteen different intelligence agencies
in the United States, and they are spending on the order of thirty
billion dollars per year-- the CIA being simply the foremost among
them. Of course, the CIA was not only established to collect
information and to anticipate attacks.

>From the beginning of the CIA's existence, it was also used to
intervene secretly in the internal affairs of other countries.

Virtually no country on earth was exempt.

This secret intervention-- as opposed to the collection of
information-- was called covert action, and it was used in a variety
of ways to influence the institutions of other countries.

Interventions in elections were very frequent. Every CIA station,
that is the undercover CIA office inside a U.S. embassy, included
agents who were involved in covert action. In addition to intervention
to ensure the election of favoured candidates and the defeat of
disfavoured candidates, the CIA also infiltrated the institutions
of power in countries all over the world. I am sure that Sweden is
no exception, and was not an exception during all the years of the
Cold War.

There was electoral intervention, propaganda via the media, and
also the penetration and manipulation of women's organizations,
religious organizations, youth and student organizations, the
trade-union movement-- very important-- but also the military and
security services and, of course, political parties. All of these
institutions were free game for penetration and manipulation by
the CIA.

In short, the CIA influenced the civic life of countries all around
the world. It did this due to a lack of faith in democracy in other
countries.

There was a desire for control. The secret U.S. policy was to not
leave things to "chance", that is to the will of the people in
whatever country it might be. They had to be tutored, they had to
be "guided" in such a way that they would be safe for U.S. control.

Control was the key word. None of this was done for altruistic or
idealistic reasons.

Three key factors

Where the media are concerned, there are three important factors
involved: sources, selection and the slant. With regard to sources,
it is my understanding that Swedish news media have very few of
their own people working abroad. That means that they are dependent
on what they get from other sources, for example the Associated
Press, Reuters, BBC or CNN.

Those huge organizations which have people all over the world are,
of course, selling their products here.

So you receive those products here, and an editor takes uses them
in any way he chooses. What seems to be happening with globalization
is that the treatment of news is becoming more and more homogeneous.

Sweden, of course, is a unique society with a unique history,
culture and language. You would surely have a unique way of viewing
and interpreting world events-- a vision of the world that is
Swedish, in contrast to that of the U.S., Germany or any other
nationality.

But how do you maintain this cultural identity with regard to
international news, if the media here are dependent on foreign
sources? These sources are, of course, becoming fewer and fewer,
as the process of monopolization continues. Consider the mergers
that have occurred just during the past ten years or so-- for
example, Time merging with Warner, then taking over CNN and now
merging with AOL. Or General Electric, another giant corporation,
taking control of NBC. This is a process that has been going on
for a long time, resulting in fewer and fewer independent sources.

Selection may be the most important factor of the three, because
what is most important in the news is what is left out. It is a
form of censorship.

There is a lot of news out there; but editors determine what is
news and what is not. Whatever is overlooked, not reported, says
a lot about the media.

Invisible background

This has been very well illustrated during the past two weeks. I
imagine that we have all seen the same reports over and over again,
on what happened in New York and Washington, along with the
demonization of Osama bin Ladin.

There has been some reporting, but not very much, about the fact
that bin Ladin is a product of the United States. He is a creature
of the CIA, having gone to work for it in Afghanistan. It was the
largest operation ever carried out by the CIA, and its purpose was
to bleed the Soviet Union.

Bin Ladin was one of thousands who volunteered to fight with the
mujihadin against the Soviets. As I recall, there were seven
different groups. All seven were basically fundamentalist Islamic
forces, who felt that the Soviet invasion defiled an Islamic country.

Bin Ladin was among those who did not stop fighting after the
Soviets were expelled. In fact, he started laying plans for the
future while the war against the Soviet Union was still going on.
He was able to develop a world-wide network which today is operating
in sixty countries or more.

Very little of this background on bin Ladin as a creation of the
United States has been brought to public attention during the past
two weeks. Most of what we have seen and heard is related to the
"solution", which is war.

How much have we read or heard about those voices calling for
alternative solutions to the problem of international terrorism?
How much reporting have we seen on analyses of what has driven
these people to such desperation that they carried out those attacks
on September 11th?

I have not seen very much of that. This may be due to the fact that
I am living in Cuba at present. But I do read the New York Times
on the Internet every morning, for example, and have access to
quite a lot of other news.

When it comes to alternative solutions to the problem, such as a
re-examination of U.S. policy in the Middle East, particularly with
respect to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, I don't think I have
seen anything. The only thing we get is Bush saying "this is war,
we are at war, this is the first war of the 21st century, this is
a question of good versus evil, whoever is not with us is against
us", and so on.

That is pretty much the attitude we had in the CIA during the 1950s.

When we analysed the operational climate and all the political
forces in any given country, we had our friends and we had our
enemies.

There was no one in between. The friends were centre and right-wing
social democrats, conservatives, liberals, in some cases all the
way over to neo-fascists.

The enemies were left-wing social democrats, socialists, communists,
all the way to those advocating armed struggle.

This is the way we saw the world. It was a strictly dualistic view
of the political climate in any given country where we were operating.

It was very much like what we are hearing today from Washington.

The Uses of Journalists

The third important factor affecting the news is, of course, the
slant or bias. It reflects the moral, social and political values
of the person doing the writing, or at least the editor. This is
where the CIA played a very fundamental role in years past, and I
cannot imagine that it suddenly stopped when the Cold War came to
an end.

In fact, like many others, I believe that the Cold War never really
ended.

It did so along the east-west axis. But the Cold War always had a
north-south dimension-- the war against forces of liberation in
Third World countries. That never ended, and it continues today.

I also believe that the CIA's media operations have continued. They
involve the recruitment and payment of editors and reporters who
take the CIA's material and publish it as if it were their own.
Taken all together-- the sources and selection of material, and
the point of view or slant-- the result is essentially what is
known as propaganda, but which passes for "unbiased news".

Journalists are also very important to the CIA for non-journalistic
activities. They serve as very convenient agents of access for the
Agency.

Particularly since they come from a country with a neutral tradition,
Swedes in general have always been of great interest to the CIA.
This is because they do not carry a lot of political baggage, as
do people from most other countries. I am aware of the ongoing
debate here concerning just how neutral Sweden has or has not been.
But in the rest of the world, the neutrality of Sweden has created
a special attraction for U.S. intelligence agencies, because Swedes
have readier access to certain target individuals than, say, an
American or a German would.

The fact is that journalists are used for non-journalistic purposes--
as collection agents for intelligence, and for making contacts,
because a journalist can approach practically anyone and ask for
an interview or develop some type of relationship. Of the hundreds
of journalists who have come to me over the years, I have no idea
how many have been sent by the CIA. I get some idea when I read
what they write. But I learned to be cautious, early on.

Education in Injustice

The covert action operations to which I referred earlier were
carried out all over the world, and certainly in Latin America
where I was posted. I spent three years in Ecuador, then three more
in Uruguay.

In both cases, my cover was as a political attachC) in the U.S.

embassy.

I then returned to Washington, pretty disillusioned with the work.
I was a product of the U.S. education system of the 1950s, which
provided me with a very good liberal education, but no political
education at all. I was simply brought up to believe that whatever
the government did was good, and that it was doing these good things
in the name of us all.

It was not until I got down to Latin America that I began to get
a political education. Whatever my ideas when I went down there,
I saw things around me every day that influenced me. I saw the
terrible economic and social conditions, and the injustices that
could not be ignored.

The two most fundamental, interrelated problems were the grossly
unequal distribution of land and the unequal distribution of wealth.

In the early years of the Kennedy administration-- I had gone down
to Latin American toward the end of the Eisenhower period-- there
was much talk about land reform as a way of dealing with those
problems.

But with the success of the Cuban revolution, and its success in
surviving U.S. attempts at invasion and other hostilities, land
reform in the rest of Latin America was put aside. "Stability" was
the order of the day. The view in Washington was that, if reform
programmes were pushed, it could lead to instability and create
openings for liberation forces all over Latin America that were
inspired by the Cuban revolution.

So, the aim of our programmes was to support the status quo, to
support the oligarchies of Latin America. These are the power
structures that date back centuries, based on ownership of the
land, of the financial resources, of the export-import system, and
excluding the vast majority of the population.

With all of our programmes, we were supporting these traditional
power structures. What first caused me to turn against these people
were the corruption and the greed that they exhibited in all areas
of society. My ideas and attitudes began to change, and eventually
I decided to resign from the CIA.

It is widely believed that, once you have joined the CIA, it is
likely being in the mafia, that you can never leave. But that is
actually not the case.

The CIA does not want people working within the organization who
are not happy and do not want to be there. They are security risks,
for one thing.

So, people are coming and going all the time in that large organization
of some 18,000 employees.

Maddening Diary

I decided to start a new career in teaching, and enrolled as a
Ph.D.

student in a programme of Latin American studies at the National
Autonomous University of Mexico. In the course of those studies--
of the Spanish Conquest, the colonial period, and all the horrors
that have occurred over the centuries in Latin America -- I gradually
came to the conclusion that what my CIA colleagues and I had been
doing during the 1950s and '60s was nothing more than a continuation
of nearly five hundred years of exploitation and political repression.

It was then that an idea entered my mind which had previously been
unthinkable -- to write a book that would show how all this works.

The research required me to spend a year in Paris, and then another
year in London where the British Library's newspaper archive proved
to be invaluable. There, I was able to read all the news reports
relating to the places that I had worked in Latin America, in many
cases dating back to the 19th century.

When the book finally came out-- the title was Inside the Company:

CIA Diary-- it was reviewed in the CIA's classified in-house journal,
Studies in Intelligence. I managed to get a copy of the review,
which speculated that I had kept copies of all the stuff I had
worked on while I was in the CIA, because they could not believe
that I was able to reconstruct all those thousands and thousands
of details from memory. It drove them absolutely crazy. But, in
fact, most of the maddening details were gleaned from the newspaper
archive of the British Museum.

The book had a tremendous effect on the Agency's effectiveness,
its ability to continue its standard operations. The most gratifying
result was that many Latin Americans told me how important the book
was for defending themselves and their organizations from destruction
by the CIA. In the broadest sense, the purpose of the Agency's
various activities was to prop up those forces that were considered
to be friendly to U.S. interests, while penetrating, dividing,
weakening and destroying those forces that were regarded as unfriendly
to U.S. interests-- the forces of the political left that I mentioned
earlier.

Thus, for Latin American revolutionaries to come to me and say how
much they appreciated the book, with all its details on how the
CIA works to subvert institutions in other countries, was extremely
gratifying.

Suitable enemy

Since the events of two weeks ago, there has been much comment and
speculation about the new era we may now be entering. Looking back,
there was a long Cold War that had already begun during World War
II.

An important turning point occurred in 1950, when it was decided
to start an arms race that would serve the dual purpose of forcing
the Soviet Union into bankruptcy while stimulating the U.S. economy.

Since the Soviet Union was still recovering from the devastation
of World War II, it would never be able to catch up; but it would
be compelled to make the effort, nevertheless. Meanwhile, military
spending in the U.S. would keep going up and up, which in turn
would stimulate the U.S. economy through a sort of "military
Keynesianism".

This continued through the Reagan administration of the 1980s.

But in the decade since the end of the Cold War until September
11th, the U.S. security establishment-- the political class, the
CIA, the people who fought the Cold War-- had no real enemy to
focus on. True, they had Saddam Hussein for awhile, and they might
have had a minor enemy here, another one there. But there was no
real world-wide threat similar to that of the Cold War. Well, now
it seems that they have one again.

What this means is that the United States is going to be in this
for quite some time. I have feeling that it is going to go on for
ten or fifteen years, because they are not going to wipe out
international terrorism or something like bin Ladin's group overnight.
During this period, they are going to be doing the same things they
did in the Cold War. We can already here it in such expression as,
"Whoever is not with us is against us." They are going to be trying
to use every bit of power they have to bring countries in line
behind the United States.

It also means important changes within the United States, because
the war on terrorism will serve as the justification for restraints
on civil liberties.

They are building a huge crisis in the United States. They are
building the psychological climate for broad-based acceptance of
an ongoing war, for which there will be no quick resolution. There
will be no great battles, either.

Little Room for Alternatives

During this period, there will be very little room for alternative
views and alternative solutions in U.S. news media. What are the
alternatives? Well, one is obviously to address the question of
why these people are doing these things: What are the roots of
international terrorism? How does U.S. foreign policy create this
type of reaction? How does U.S. support of everything that Israel
does, including the oppression of the Palestinian people, influence
fundamentalist Islamic groups?

In other words, a feasible alternative would be a reconsideration
of U.S. foreign policy, to see if it would not be possible to create
a more just situation in the Middle East. But the United States is
stuck. It is stuck with an authoritarian regime in Egypt, which is
one of the really shaky countries at the moment. Algeria has gone
through a horrible period, and the fundamentalist movement there
has not died away at all. In Pakistan the government could fall;

fundamentalists there could take over, and they would then have
nuclear weapons in their hands. So, a lot of things can happen in
the months and years ahead.

Unfortunately, I suspect that there will be greater self-censorship
by U.S. media in order to line up behind the government, however
its policy of war may turn out. There is already talk of a personal
identification system of some kind for the entire country, together
with large-scale surveillance of the population-- especially
immigrants, and Muslim immigrants in particular.

There will be some opposition to this; but historically, the courts
have usually gone along with the government, even though they are
theoretically supposed to be the guarantors of civil liberties.
For example, the courts went along with the internment of
Japanese-Americans during World War II.

So, it will be possible to restrict, and even infringe upon, civil
liberties and human rights in the U.S.

It is early days to draw any conclusions about how all this is
going to develop, since it is still in the planning stage. But in
my opinion, if they carry out this military solution-- with an
attack or a series of attacks, or the establishment of military
bases in Islamic countries-- they will be doing exactly what bin
Ladin wants them to do. It would turn more and more people to
fundamentalism and to his organization. They could kill him tomorrow,
but the organization that he has established will live on, and it
will be nearly impossible to penetrate.

My reading of the situation is that there have been a few defectors
from bin Ladin's organization who have provided valuable information.

But the U.S. has not been able to have anyone working in these
clandestine groups around the world and reporting from the inside.
It has had to make do with whatever it can learn from a few defectors.

Certainly, the CIA and the other components of the U.S. intelligence
apparatus will be using all available technical means to locate
and attack these groups, wherever they may be.

They should certainly know where all the training bases are located,
since they were established by the CIA, itself. But that will not
be nearly enough.

[Philip Agee is a former CIA officer and author of "Inside the
Company: A CIA Diary," and "On the Run." This is article is adapted
from the text of a speech Agee gave at ABF House, in Stockholm on
24 September 2001.]

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