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       "Constantly spoon fed by and on Georges -- the equivalent of 
       McDonalds cheeseburgers for the brain -- no wonder so many 
       Americans are so obese and bumbling of mind as well as body."
                      

                THE TWO GEORGES ON SUNDAY
                "universal support" - George W. Bush
                "coalition of one" - George Will

                 ARUNDHATI ROY ON TUESDAY
                 "The bombing of Afghanistan is not revenge 
                 for New York and Washington. It is yet 
                 another act of terror against the people of 
                 the world."

MID-EAST REALITIES � - MER - www.MiddleEast.Org - Washington - 10/24:
   Both of the Georges are oh so full of themselves cocky -- just the personality type 
so many American's truly love.   One is (to the amazement of many who wonder how in 
the world the U.S. chooses such persons to lead it) the President of the United 
States.  Speaking Sunday of America's "new war" as he was about to leave the 
international meetings in Shanghai, son of former CIA/Pres Bush told the world: "We're 
not conducting these operations alone, we have universal support around the world!"  
Yes sir, that's the same Dubya who really does seem to think the world is nothing more 
than an extension of the old wild west of American history -- put up a reward poster 
"wanted dead or alive" and go "smoke 'em out" because "good will triump over evil."  
No wonder this still recovering frat-boy President with grade-school-teacher wife 
feels most confortable talking to children, of late encouraging them to send their 
dollars to help the poor children of Afghanistan -- doing so from the Headquarters of 
the American Red Cross on the very same day the Red Cross in Kabul was bombed!
    Then there is pundit George, a right-wing ideological cousin of Dubya who takes a 
certain pride in telling the truth about his convictions while at the same time 
cheerleading for the Pentagon Generals urging them on in their "crusade" to assert the 
new "new world order".  About the same time on Sunday that Dubya George was trumpeting 
his "universal support" inanities in Shanghai, George Will was much more candidly 
telling the country (as he does weekly for ABC News) that "So far it's really a 
coalition of one, maybe one and a half (referring to the Brits of course).  The 
coalition so far is nothing but window dressing."
    So much for the two Georges who constantly have America's ears; as well as the 
American media and the blabbering Sunday Talk Shows that so dominate the American 
nationalist agenda.  
    A few days later however, on Tuesday, someone not allowed on American TV -- not 
weekly on Sundays and hardly even ever actually -- had something very important to 
say:  author Arundhati Roy who said it in The Guardian.  Same establishment TV 
blacklisting takes place of course when it comes to the very best experts and the 
giant intellects of our time -- Chomsky and Fisk leap immediately to mind.  
     Constantly spoon fed on and by Georges -- the equivalent of McDonalds 
cheeseburgers for the brain -- no wonder so many Americans are so obese and bumbling 
of mind as well as body.  No wonder nearly all Americans were caught so unawares on 11 
September.  No wonder nearly all Americans cheer and fly flags and simplistically talk 
incessantly about "we good" and "they evil"; themselves collectively killing millions 
while backing the worst thugs and dictators...all without even knowing what they have 
done in the recent past and that what is happening now is, to a very large extent,  a 
direct result of what has come before.



   WHY AMERICA MUST STOP THE WAR NOW

    "Brutality Smeared in Peanut Butter"
                     By Arundhati Roy*

[THE GUARDIAN - London, UK - Tuesday, 23 October 2001]:
As darkness deepened over Afghanistan on Sunday, October 7,
2001, the U.S. government, backed by the International Coalition
Against Terror (the new, amenable surrogate for the United
Nations), launched air strikes against Afghanistan.  TV channels
lingered on computer-animated images of cruise missiles, stealth
bombers, tomahawks, "bunker-busting" missiles and Mark 82 high
drag bombs. All over the world, little boys watched goggle-eyed
and stopped clamouring for new video games.

The UN, reduced now to an ineffective acronym, wasn't even asked
to mandate the air strikes. (As Madeleine Albright once said:
"We will behave multilaterally when we can, and unilaterally
when we must.")  The "evidence" against the terrorists was shared
amongst friends in the "coalition".

After conferring, they announced that it didn't matter whether
or not the "evidence" would stand up in a court of law. Thus, in
an instant, were centuries of jurisprudence carelessly trashed.

Nothing can excuse or justify an act of terrorism, whether it is
committed by religious fundamentalists, private militia,
people's resistance movements - or whether it's dressed up as a
war of retribution by a recognised government. The bombing of
Afghanistan is not revenge for New York and Washington. It is
yet another act of terror against the people of the world.

Each innocent person that is killed must be added to, not set
off against, the grisly toll of civilians who died in New York
and Washington.

People rarely win wars, governments rarely lose them. People get
killed.

Governments moult and regroup, hydra-headed. They use flags
first to shrink-wrap people's minds and smother thought, and
then as ceremonial shrouds to bury their willing dead. On both
sides, in Afghanistan as well as America, civilians are now
hostage to the actions of their own governments.

Unknowingly, ordinary people in both countries share a common
bond - they have to live with the phenomenon of blind,
unpredictable terror. Each batch of bombs that is dropped on
Afghanistan is matched by a corresponding escalation of mass
hysteria in America about anthrax, more hijackings and other
terrorist acts.

There is no easy way out of the spiralling morass of terror and
brutality that confronts the world today. It is time now for the
human race to hold still, to delve into its wells of collective
wisdom, both ancient and modern. What happened on September 11
changed the world forever.

Freedom, progress, wealth, technology, war - these words have
taken on new meaning.

Governments have to acknowledge this transformation, and
approach their new tasks with a modicum of honesty and humility.
Unfortunately, up to now, there has been no sign of any
introspection from the leaders of the International Coalition.
Or the Taliban.

When he announced the air strikes, President George Bush said:
"We're a peaceful nation." America's favourite ambassador, Tony
Blair, (who also holds the portfolio of Prime Minister of the
UK), echoed him: "We're a peaceful people."

So now we know. Pigs are horses. Girls are boys. War is peace.

Speaking at the FBI headquarters a few days later, President
Bush said: "This is our calling. This is the calling of the
United States of America. The most free nation in the world. A
nation built on fundamental values that reject hate, reject
violence, rejects murderers and rejects evil. We will not tire."

Here is a list of the countries that America has been at war
with - and bombed - since the second world war: China (1945-46,
1950-53), Korea (1950-53), Guatemala (1954, 1967-69), Indonesia
(1958), Cuba (1959-60), the Belgian Congo (1964), Peru (1965),
Laos (1964-73), Vietnam (1961-73), Cambodia (1969-70), [Iran
(1980), Lebanon (1982-84)], Grenada (1983), Libya (1986), El
Salvador (1980s), Nicaragua (1980s), Panama (1989), Iraq
(1991-99), [Somalia (1992-93), Haiti (1994)], Bosnia (1995),
Sudan (1998), [Afghanistan (1998), Iraq (1999-2001)],
Yugoslavia[Serbia] (1999). And now Afghanistan [2001]. [Kashmir,
Palestine, Iraq, Iran, Syria, Libya, Lebanon, Sudan, Cuba, North
Korea (2001???)].

Certainly it does not tire - this, the most free nation in the world.

What freedoms does it uphold? Within its borders, the freedoms
of speech, religion, thought; of artistic expression, food
habits, sexual preferences (well, to some extent) and many other
exemplary, wonderful things.

Outside its borders, the freedom to dominate, humiliate and
subjugate� usually in the service of America's real religion,
the "free market". So when the U.S. government christens a war
"Operation Infinite Justice", or "Operation Enduring Freedom",
we in the third world feel more than a tremor of fear.

Because we know that Infinite Justice for some means Infinite
Injustice for others. And Enduring Freedom for some means
Enduring Subjugation for others.

The International Coalition Against Terror is a largely cabal of
the richest countries in the world. Between them, they
manufacture and sell almost all of the world's weapons, they
possess the largest stockpile of weapons of mass destruction -
chemical, biological and nuclear. They have fought the most
wars, account for most of the genocide, subjection, ethnic
cleansing and human rights violations in modern history, and
have sponsored, armed and financed untold numbers of dictators
and despots. Between them, they have worshipped, almost deified,
the cult of violence and war. For all its appalling sins, the
Taliban just isn't in the same league.

The Taliban was compounded in the crumbling crucible of rubble,
heroin and landmines in the backwash of the cold war. Its oldest
leaders are in their early 40s. Many of them are disfigured and
handicapped, missing an eye, an arm or a leg. They grew up in a
society scarred and devastated by war.

Between the Soviet Union and America, over 20 years, about $45bn
(30bn British pounds) worth of arms and ammunition was poured
into Afghanistan. The latest weaponry was the only shard of
modernity to intrude upon a thoroughly medieval society.

Young boys� many of them orphans - who grew up in those times,
had guns for toys, never knew the security and comfort of family
life, never experienced the company of women. Now, as adults and
rulers, the Taliban beat, stone, rape and brutalise women, they
don't seem to know what else to do with them.

Years of war has stripped them of gentleness, inured them to
kindness and human compassion. Now they've turned their
monstrosity on their own people.

They dance to the percussive rhythms of bombs raining down
around them.

With all due respect to President Bush, the people of the world
do not have to choose between the Taliban and the U.S.
government. All the beauty of human civilisation - our art, our
music, our literature - lies beyond these two fundamentalist,
ideological poles. There is as little chance that the people of
the world can all become middle-class consumers as there is that
they will all embrace any one particular religion. The issue is
not about good v. evil or Islam v. Christianity as much as it is
about space. About how to accommodate diversity, how to contain
the impulse towards hegemony � every kind of hegemony, economic,
military, linguistic, religious and cultural.

Any ecologist will tell you how dangerous and fragile a
monoculture is. A hegemonic world is like having a government
without a healthy opposition. It becomes a kind of dictatorship.
It's like putting a plastic bag over the world, and preventing
it from breathing. Eventually, it will be torn open.

One and a half million Afghan people lost their lives in the 20
years of conflict that preceded this new war. Afghanistan was
reduced to rubble, and now, the rubble is being pounded into
finer dust. By the second day of the air strikes, U.S. pilots
were returning to their bases without dropping their assigned
payload of bombs. As one pilot put it, Afghanistan is "not a
target-rich environment". At a press briefing at the Pentagon,
Donald Rumsfeld, the U.S. Defence Secretary, was asked if
America had run out of targets.

"First we're going to re-hit targets," he said, "and second,
we're not running out of targets, Afghanistan is ..." This was
greeted with gales of laughter in the briefing room.

By the third day of the strikes, the U.S. Defence Department
boasted that it had "achieved air supremacy over Afghanistan".
(Did they mean that they had destroyed both, or maybe all 16, of
Afghanistan's planes?)

On the ground in Afghanistan, the Northern Alliance - the
Taliban's old enemy, and therefore the international coalition's
newest friend - is making headway in its push to capture Kabul.
(For the archives, let it be said that the Northern Alliance's
track record is not very different from the Taliban's. But for
now, because it's inconvenient, that little detail is being
glossed over.) The visible, moderate, "acceptable" leader of the
alliance, Ahmed Shah Masud, was killed in a suicide-bomb attack
early in September [2001]. The rest of the Northern Alliance is
a brittle confederation of brutal warlords, ex-communists and
unbending clerics. It is a disparate group divided along ethnic
lines, some of whom have tasted power in Afghanistan in the
past.

Until the U.S. air strikes, the Northern Alliance controlled
about 5% of the geographical area of Afghanistan. Now, with the
coalition's help and "air cover", it is poised to topple the
Taliban. Meanwhile, Taliban soldiers, sensing imminent defeat,
have begun to defect to the alliance. So the fighting forces are
busy switching sides and changing uniforms. But in an enterprise
as cynical as this one, it seems to matter hardly at all.

Love is hate, north is south, peace is war.

Among the global powers, there is talk of "putting in a
representative government". Or, on the other hand, of
"restoring" the kingdom to Afghanistan's 89-year-old former king
Zahir Shah, who has lived in exile in Rome since 1973. That's
the way the game goes - support Saddam Hussein, then "take him
out"; finance the mojahedin [freedom fighters], then bomb them
to smithereens; put in Zahir Shah and see if he's going to be a
good boy. (Is it possible to "put in" a representative
government? Can you place an order for democracy - with extra
cheese and jalapeno peppers?)

Reports have begun to trickle in about civilian casualties,
about cities emptying out as Afghan civilians flock to the
borders which have been closed. Main arterial roads have been
blown up or sealed off. Those who have experience of working in
Afghanistan say that by early November, food convoys will not be
able to reach the millions of Afghans (7.5m, according to the
UN) who run the very real risk of starving to death during the
course of this winter. They say that in the days that are left
before winter sets in, there can either be a war, or an attempt
to reach food to the hungry. Not both.

As a gesture of humanitarian support, the U.S. government
air-dropped 37,000 packets of emergency rations into
Afghanistan. It says it plans to drop a total of 500,000
packets. That will still only add up to a single meal for half a
million people out of the several million in dire need of food.

Aid workers have condemned it as a cynical, dangerous,
public-relations exercise. They say that air-dropping food
packets is worse than futile.

First, because the food will never get to those who really need
it. More dangerously, those who run out to retrieve the packets
risk being blown up by landmines. A tragic alms race.

Nevertheless, the food packets had a photo-op all to themselves.
Their contents were listed in major newspapers. They were
vegetarian, we're told, as per Muslim dietary law (!) Each
yellow packet, decorated with the American flag, contained:
rice, peanut butter, bean salad, strawberry jam, crackers,
raisins, flat bread, an apple fruit bar, seasoning, matches, a
set of plastic cutlery, a serviette and illustrated user
instructions.

After three years of unremitting drought, an air-dropped airline
meal in Jalalabad! The level of cultural ineptitude, the failure
to understand what months of relentless hunger and grinding
poverty really mean, the U.S. government's attempt to use even
this abject misery to boost its self-image, beggars description.

Reverse the scenario for a moment. Imagine if the Taliban
government was to bomb New York City, saying all the while that
its real target was the U.S. government and its policies. And
suppose, during breaks between the bombing, the Taliban dropped
a few thousand packets containing nan and kebabs impaled on an
Afghan flag. Would the good people of New York ever find it in
themselves to forgive the Afghan government? Even if they were
hungry, even if they needed the food, even if they ate it, how
would they ever forget the insult, the condescension? Rudi
Guiliani, Mayor of New York City, returned a gift of $10m from a
Saudi prince because it came with a few words of friendly advice
about American policy in the Middle East. Is pride a luxury that
only the rich are entitled to?

Far from stamping it out, igniting this kind of rage is what
creates terrorism. Hate and retribution don't go back into the
box once you've let them out. For every "terrorist" or his
"supporter" that is killed, hundreds of innocent people are
being killed too. And for every hundred innocent people killed,
there is a good chance that several future terrorists will be
created.

Where will it all lead?

Setting aside the rhetoric for a moment, consider the fact that
the world has not yet found an acceptable definition of what
"terrorism" is. One country's terrorist is too often another's
freedom fighter. At the heart of the matter lies the world's
deep-seated ambivalence towards violence.

Once violence is accepted as a legitimate political instrument,
then the morality and political acceptability of terrorists
(insurgents or freedom fighters) becomes contentious, bumpy
terrain. The U.S. government itself has funded, armed and
sheltered plenty of rebels and insurgents around the world.

The CIA and Pakistan's ISI trained and armed the mojahedin who,
in the 80s, were seen as terrorists by the government in
Soviet-occupied Afghanistan. Today, Pakistan - America's ally in
this new war - sponsors insurgents who cross the border into
Kashmir in India. Pakistan lauds them as "freedom-fighters",
India calls them "terrorists". India, for its part, denounces
countries who sponsor and abet terrorism, but the Indian army
has, in the past, trained separatist Tamil rebels asking for a
homeland in Sri Lanka - the LTTE, responsible for countless acts
of bloody terrorism.

(Just as the CIA abandoned the mujahideen after they had served
its purpose, India abruptly turned its back on the LTTE for a
host of political reasons. It was an enraged LTTE suicide bomber
who assassinated former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in
1989.)

It is important for governments and politicians to understand
that manipulating these huge, raging human feelings for their
own narrow purposes may yield instant results, but eventually
and inexorably, they have disastrous consequences. Igniting and
exploiting religious sentiments for reasons of political
expediency is the most dangerous legacy that governments or
politicians can bequeath to any people - including their own.

People who live in societies ravaged by religious or communal
bigotry know that every religious text - from the Bible to the
Bhagwad Gita - can be mined and misinterpreted to justify
anything, from nuclear war to genocide to corporate
globalisation.

This is not to suggest that the terrorists who perpetrated the
outrage on September 11 should not be hunted down and brought to
book. They must be.

But is war the best way to track them down? Will burning the
haystack find you the needle? Or will it escalate the anger and
make the world a living hell for all of us?

At the end of the day, how many people can you spy on, how many
bank accounts can you freeze, how many conversations can you
eavesdrop on, how many emails can you intercept, how many
letters can you open, how many phones can you tap? Even before
September 11, the CIA had accumulated more information than is
humanly possible to process. (Sometimes, too much data can
actually hinder intelligence - small wonder the U.S. spy
satellites completely missed the preparation that preceded
India's nuclear tests in 1998.)

The sheer scale of the surveillance will become a logistical,
ethical and civil rights nightmare. It will drive everybody
clean crazy. And freedom - that precious, precious thing - will
be the first casualty. It's already hurt and haemorrhaging
dangerously.

Governments across the world are cynically using the prevailing
paranoia to promote their own interests. All kinds of
unpredictable political forces are being unleashed. In India,
for instance, members of the All India People's Resistance
Forum, who were distributing anti-war and anti-U.S. pamphlets in
Delhi, have been jailed. Even the printer of the leaflets was
arrested.

The right-wing government (while it shelters Hindu extremists
groups such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal)
has banned the Islamic Students Movement of India and is trying
to revive an anti-terrorist Act which had been withdrawn after
the Human Rights Commission reported that it had been more
abused than used. Millions of Indian citizens are Muslim. Can
anything be gained by alienating them?

Every day that the war goes on, raging emotions are being let
loose into the world. The international press has little or no
independent access to the war zone. In any case, mainstream
media, particularly in the U.S., have more or less rolled over,
allowing themselves to be tickled on the stomach with press
handouts from military men and government officials. Afghan
radio stations have been destroyed by the bombing. The Taliban
has always been deeply suspicious of the press. In the
propaganda war, there is no accurate estimate of how many people
have been killed, or how much destruction has taken place. In
the absence of reliable information, wild rumours spread.

Put your ear to the ground in this part of the world, and you
can hear the thrumming, the deadly drumbeat of burgeoning anger.
Please. Please, stop the war now. Enough people have died. The
smart missiles are just not smart enough. They're blowing up
whole warehouses of suppressed fury.

President George Bush recently boasted: "When I take action, I'm
not going to fire a $2m missile at a $10 empty tent and hit a
camel in the butt. It's going to be decisive." President Bush
should know that there are no targets in Afghanistan that will
give his missiles their money's worth.

Perhaps, if only to balance his books, he should develop some
cheaper missiles to use on cheaper targets and cheaper lives in
the poor countries of the world. But then, that may not make
good business sense to the coalition's weapons manufacturers. It
wouldn't make any sense at all, for example, to the Carlyle
Group - described by the Industry Standard as "the world's
largest private equity firm", with $13bn under management.

Carlyle invests in the defence sector and makes its money from
military conflicts and weapons spending.

Carlyle is run by men with impeccable credentials. Former U.S.
Defence Secretary Frank Carlucci is Carlyle's Chairman and
Managing Director (he was a college roommate of Donald
Rumsfeld's). Carlyle's other partners include former U.S.
Secretary of State James A. Baker III, George Soros and Fred
Malek (George Bush Sr's campaign manager). An American paper� -
the Baltimore Chronicle and Sentinel - says that former
President George Bush Sr. is reported to be seeking investments
for the Carlyle Group from Asian markets.

He is reportedly paid not inconsiderable sums of money to make
"presentations" to potential government-clients.

Ho hum. As the tired saying goes, it's all in the family.

Then there's that other branch of traditional family business -
oil. Remember, President George Bush (Jr.) and Vice-President
Dick Cheney both made their fortunes working in the U.S. oil
industry.

Turkmenistan, which borders the north-west of Afghanistan, holds
the world's third largest gas reserves and an estimated six
billion barrels of oil reserves. Enough, experts say, to meet
American energy needs for the next 30 years (or a developing
country's energy requirements for a couple of centuries.)
America has always viewed oil as a security consideration, and
protected it by any means it deems necessary. Few of us doubt
that its military presence in the Gulf has little to do with its
concern for human rights and almost entirely to do with its
strategic interest in oil.

Oil and gas from the Caspian region currently moves northward to
European markets. Geographically and politically, Iran and
Russia are major impediments to American interests. In 1998,
Dick Cheney - then CEO of Halliburton, a major player in the oil
industry - said: "I can't think of a time when we've had a
region emerge as suddenly to become as strategically significant
as the Caspian. It's almost as if the opportunities have arisen
overnight." True enough.

For some years now, an American oil giant called Unocal has been
negotiating with the Taliban for permission to construct an oil
pipeline through Afghanistan to Pakistan and out to the Arabian
sea. From here, Unocal hopes to access the lucrative "emerging
markets" in South and South-East Asia. In December 1997, a
delegation of Taliban mullahs travelled to America and even met
U.S. State Department officials and Unocal executives in
Houston. At that time the Taliban's taste for public executions
and its treatment of Afghan women were not made out to be the
crimes against humanity that they are now.

Over the next six months, pressure from hundreds of outraged
American feminist groups was brought to bear on the Clinton
Administration.

Fortunately, they managed to scuttle the deal. And now comes the
U.S. oil industry's big chance.

In America, the arms industry, the oil industry, the major media
networks, and, indeed, U.S. foreign policy, are all controlled
by the same business combines. Therefore, it would be foolish to
expect this talk of guns and oil and defence deals to get any
real play in the media. In any case, to a distraught, confused
people whose pride has just been wounded, whose loved ones have
been tragically killed, whose anger is fresh and sharp, the
inanities about the "clash of civilisations" and the "good v.
evil" discourse home in unerringly. They are cynically doled out
by government spokesmen like a daily dose of vitamins or
anti-depressants. Regular medication ensures that mainland
America continues to remain the enigma it has always been - a
curiously insular people, administered by a pathologically
meddlesome, promiscuous government.

And what of the rest of us, the numb recipients of this
onslaught of what we know to be preposterous propaganda? The
daily consumers of the lies and brutality smeared in peanut
butter and strawberry jam being air-dropped into our minds just
like those yellow food packets. Shall we look away and eat
because we're hungry, or shall we stare unblinking at the grim
theatre unfolding in Afghanistan until we retch collectively and
say, in one voice, that we have had enough?

As the first year of the new millennium rushes to a close, one
wonders - have we forfeited our right to dream? Will we ever be
able to re-imagine beauty?

Will it be possible ever again to watch the slow, amazed blink
of a newborn gecko in the sun, or whisper back to the marmot who
has just whispered in your ear - without thinking of the World
Trade Centre and Afghanistan?


*Arundhati Roy, 41, is the author of The God of Small Things
(Random House, 1997), which won the Booker Prize, sold six
million copies, and has been translated into forty languages.






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