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0110290243oct29.story?coll=chi%2Dnews%2Dhed
>From the Chicago Tribune
Britain has been radicals' refuge
By Stephen J. Hedges
Tribune staff reporter
October 29, 2001
LONDON --


In Egypt, Yasser al-Sirri is a wanted man, convicted in
absentia for a terrorist bombing plot that inadvertently killed a 12-
year-old girl.
In Britain for the past eight years, he has found freedom and safety.
And, despite the death sentence hanging over him, he has been
anything but anonymous.
Al-Sirri, 38, founded the Islamic Observation Center and fashioned
himself as a supporter of master terrorist Osama bin Laden. His
statements, pamphlets and press releases, though, always fell within
Britain's right to free speech. Even after Sept. 11, when al-Sirri
posted bin Laden's threats of further attacks on his Web site, he
drew little attention.
But his protected life in Britain changed last week.
London police arrested al-Sirri on Tuesday during a dawn raid on his apartment and 
nearby office. Police say there is evidence that al-Sirri helped arrange press 
credentials for two bin Laden operatives, who, posing as a
television crew, assassinated Gen. Ahmed Shah Massood, the leader of Afghanistan's 
Northern Alliance, on Sept. 1, just days before terrorist attacks on New York and the 
Pentagon.
Al-Sirri's arrest may signal the beginning of the British government's promised 
crackdown on known or suspected terrorists. But it also highlights a troubling 
contradiction in England: While no one has been a stronger sup
porter of the U.S.-led war on terrorism than Prime Minister Tony Blair, his nation has 
for years been a haven for the very extremists Blair now so forcefully condemns.
"London has eclipsed Paris as a natural mode for preaching to Arabs with propaganda," 
said Magnus Ranstorp, a terrorism expert at University of St. Andrews in Scotland. "It 
is a financial recruitment ground, and a good gr
ound to recruit operatives. It provides the milieu for extremism."
A combination of complex asylum and extradition laws and, critics say, a lack of 
investigative zeal, has made England an attractive middle ground for extremist 
movements abroad.
Good intentions
Until recently, Britain granted asylum to many immigrants who claimed they would be 
persecuted if they are turned back to their home countries. That practice, although 
carried out with good intentions, has allowed dozens
of wanted or suspected terrorists operating in places such as Egypt, Algeria, Saudi 
Arabia and Yemen to gain permanent residency in England.
Some of those who gain entry, people such as al-Sirri, are wanted for suspected crimes 
abroad. In al-Sirri's case, Britain didn't know about the allegations when it let him 
in. Wresting these suspects out of Britain has b
ecome a complex, years-long legal exercise. At least nine countries are trying to win 
the extradition of terrorist suspects living in Britain, according to a report by the 
French National Assembly.
That includes the U.S., which for three years has argued for the return of three 
suspects in the 1998 bombing by bin Laden's Al Qaeda organization of two U.S. 
Embassies in Africa. Two other fugitives wanted on charges of
involvement in a plot to explode bombs in the U.S. during millennium celebrations are 
being held in Britain, months, perhaps years, away from extradition.
Because of America's use of the death penalty, defense lawyers have argued that 
British judges should not send defendants to the U.S.
Scotland Yard's anti-terrorism unit has had poor luck making cases that expose larger 
networks. The arrests of 11 suspected terrorists in February, for instance, resulted 
in only two being held. Another recent case that t
argeted credit card and ID fraud that police believed were the work of Muslim 
extremists fell apart when a key police informant balked at testifying for fear of 
retribution.
Since Sept. 11, Scotland Yard has been asked by the FBI to track down 24 people it 
suspects may be part of Al Qaeda in Britain, though none is believed to be directly 
involved in the hijacking plot. Police did arrest an A
lgerian pilot, Lotfi Raissi, on charges of helping train some of the hijackers.
But cooperation between Britain and other countries in fighting terrorism is not the 
norm, some critics say.
French deride `Londonistan'
The French report takes British banks to task for failing to help foreign governments 
in money laundering investigations. Prosecutors and legislators there have derisively 
referred to "Londonistan" as a place where terror
ists are safe from the law's reach.
"Great Britain does not cooperate with European countries and offers a totally 
unacceptable haven for criminal funds," Arnaud Montebourg, a French legislator, said 
upon publication of the report.
At the heart of Britain's Muslim militancy are London's three radical clerics: Sheik 
Mohammed Omar Bakri, Abu Hamza al-Masri and Abu Qatada. Each fled the Middle East 
because of his radical views. Two of them--Hamza and Q
atada--are wanted by other countries for suspected terrorist activity. All three live 
under protective asylum in Britain.
While in London, each has stepped up his fervent call for an end to secular, 
democratic rule in Britain and elsewhere and for new governments formed under Islamic 
principles and religious law.
Two of the sheiks, Hamza and Qatada, have indirect links to figures in the Sept. 11 
hijackings investigation.
One of those arrested in the U.S., Zacarias Moussaoui, attended prayer sessions led by 
both men in areas of London. Moussaoui was seeking flight training in Minnesota and 
investigators say he may have been involved in the
 Sept. 11 plot. He was arrested in August when flight instructors in Egan, Minn., 
became suspicious.
Suspect at prayer sessions
Djamel Beghal, who was arrested in the United Arab Emirates in July on a passport 
violation, also attended the prayer sessions. Beghal, who was returning to Europe 
after a training session in Afghanistan, reportedly has t
old French investigators of planned bombing attacks on U.S. targets throughout Europe, 
including the U.S. Embassy in Paris.
Both suspects were among the hundreds of young men of Middle Eastern heritage who 
stream into the Finsbury Park Mosque, in North London, for Friday prayers and the 
fiery oratory of Hamza, the mosque's self-appointed imam
and strong supporter of future jihad warriors.
Hamza has denied reports that he has actively recruited young men for training in 
Afghanistan, or for fighting in places such as Chechnya. Hamza claims to have fought 
in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Afghanistan, though his expl
oits were not clear. He declined an interview for this article.
He is wanted in Yemen on suspicion of having a role in a kidnapping and terrorist plot 
that began in late 1998, just a few months after terrorist bombs shattered the U.S. 
Embassies in East Africa.
In December that year, Yemeni police arrested five British citizens and a Frenchman 
who they say were planning to carry out terrorist attacks against American and British 
targets. All of the men were Muslim extremists; on
e of them was Hamza's son, another his stepson.
Several days later, a gang led by a terrorist named Abu al-Hassan kidnapped 16 Western 
tourists in Yemen's Abyan region in a bid to win the freedom of the six men arrested 
earlier. Police stormed the house where the touri
sts were held, and four of the vacationers died in a shootout. Two of the kidnappers 
were also killed, and three were arrested.
In the subsequent trials, Yemeni officials produced evidence that al-Hassan had made a 
satellite phone call to Hamza in London within an hour of taking his hostages. Most of 
those arrested were convicted and are still in
prison. Al-Hassan was executed. But Yemen has been unable to win Hamza's extradition 
to try him for his alleged role in the plot.
"In both of these incidents, Mr. Abu Hamza was the main instigator," said Beshr 
Mohamed, a spokesman for the Yemeni Embassy in London. "The British government 
declined to extradite him because the crown prosecutors said t
here was no extradition treaty between the two countries."
British police did arrest Hamza in April 1999, apparently on the Yemen charges. But he 
was released several days later, and the matter was dropped. Scotland Yard and 
prosecutors refuse to discuss the particulars.
Qatada, another charismatic militant, found a forum to spread his message in the Four 
Feathers Youth Club in central London, not far from Sherlock Holmes' fabled 221b Baker 
St. address.
Two weeks ago, the U.S. Treasury named Qatada one of 39 people and organizations whose 
assets it seeks to freeze because of alleged links to bin Laden's Al Qaeda network. 
Chances of recovering any money from Qatada are sl
im; he lives in a modest London apartment on a British housing subsidy.
2nd Al Qaeda link
This wasn't the first time Qatada has been linked to Al Qaeda.
In April 1999, a Jordanian court convicted Qatada in absentia on charges of leading 
bomb attacks intended to destabilize the rule of the late King Hussein. Although 
secure with his asylum in London, he was sentenced to li
fe in prison.
A year later, Qatada faced new charges that he was part of a failed Al Qaeda plot to 
carry out attacks on Jordanian tourist sites during millennium celebrations.
In February, Scotland Yard's special branch arrested Qatada and 10 suspected terrorist 
sympathizers, but the charges didn't stick. All but two of those taken into custody 
were released, including Qatada.
After the Sept. 11 attacks, Qatada told London's Observer newspaper: "George Bush has 
no respect for the Muslims of the world. This has been designed to make sure that he 
listens." Since then, Qatada has declined intervie
w requests.
Bakri, London's third radical sheik, is more than willing to talk. He came to England 
in 1986 from Saudi Arabia, where he was exiled for his controversial views. Unlike 
Hamza and Qatada, he has not been tied to any suspec
ted terrorist activity abroad.
Touting non-violence
He has, though, admitted raising money and men for Islamic fights in foreign lands, a 
claim that he has dropped after a new law last year made that activity illegal. Now 
Bakri says he is employing non-violent means to rep
lace existing democratic governments with Islamic ones.
To distinguish himself from his colleagues, Bakri has founded his own group, 
Al-Muhajiroun, named after the group of early Muslim faithful who with the Prophet 
Muhammad were exiled from Mecca. It operates out of offices i
n a Northeast London industrial park.
Al-Muhajiroun gained notoriety two weeks ago when a spokesman suggested that Blair and 
his Cabinet members were targets for assassination.
Bakri said the spokesman was misinterpreted, but the sheik also had to explain his 
own, earlier comments that under Islamic law, Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf 
deserved to be killed by one of his own generals. Bakri
 issued that order, or fatwah, after Musharraf agreed to let allied forces use 
Pakistan bases in their strikes against the Taliban.
Call for legal reforms
Bakri, Qatada and Hamza have come under renewed surveillance since Sept. 11. Arguments 
have grown more strenuous for legal reforms that will make it tougher for terrorists 
and their sympathizers to live and operate here.
"It is very difficult indeed to either deport or extradite people from the UK on the 
grounds that they are a danger to national security," said Martin Howe, a London 
barrister and a leading critic of the laws. "And the as
ylum system is completely out of hand. I think this country is mad the way it has 
allowed things to develop."
Last year Parliament adopted a new terrorism act that makes it illegal for those in 
Britain to support terrorist activities abroad, and that allows the government to 
produce a list of banned terrorist groups. The bigger p
roblem, though, may be letting terrorist suspects into Britain in the first place.
Since the early 1950s, British courts have used European human-rights agreements as 
guides for the nation's asylum procedures. Gradually, the courts loosened the 
requirements, to the point of arguing that many of those de
nied asylum in France or Germany could acquire it in Britain.
Howe notes a recent case in the House of Lords in which it was found that 80 percent 
of Algerians requesting asylum in Britain are given it, compared to only 5 percent in 
France. Many immigrants arrive in Britain without
the proper clearance, request asylum and then are released, often never to be seen 
again. About 43,000 people in Britain are awaiting government decisions on their 
asylum applications, according to the Home Office.
Extradition presents its own challenges. Britain turns down many such requests because 
the government or a British judge rules that there isn't enough evidence.
In other instances, British judges have ruled that provisions in the European 
Convention on Human Rights, which England has adopted, mean they cannot send someone 
to a country where the suspect faces, "a real risk of bein
g subjected to torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment." Defense 
attorneys in Britain say defendants should not be sent to countries with the death 
penalty, such as the U.S.
Home Secretary David Blunkett recently promised new anti-terrorism measures that will 
allow police to hold suspected terrorists and speed extradition requests. "Our moral 
obligation and love of freedom does not extend to
offering hospitality to terrorists," Blunkett told Parliament.
Those measures, though, have more support among conservatives than in
Blunkett's own ruling Labor Party, and they are bound to face
opposition from human-rights groups. Nor are they likely to affect
cases under way.
Copyright � 2001, Chicago Tribune
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