-Caveat Lector-

http://www.guerrillanews.com/newswire/216.html

Terrorism Meets Reactionism
Michael Parenti
November 13, 2001

When almost-elected president George W. Bush announced
his "war on terrorism" in the aftermath of the
September 11 attacks, he also was launching a campaign
to advance the agenda of the reactionary Right at home
and abroad. This includes rolling back an already
mangled federal human services sector, reverting to
deficit spending for the benefit of a wealthy creditor
class, increasing the repression of dissent, and
expanding to a still greater magnitude the budgets and
global reach of the U.S. military and other components
of the national security state. Indeed, soon after the
terrorist attacks, the Wall Street Journal ran an
editorial (September 19), calling on Bush to quickly
take advantage of the "unique political climate" to
"assert his leadership not just on security and
foreign policy but across the board." The editorial
summoned the president to push quickly for more
tax-rate cuts, expanded oil drilling in Alaska,
fast-track authority for trade negotiations, and raids
on the Social Security surplus.
More for War

Bush himself noted that the attacks on the World Trade
Center and the Pentagon offer "an opportunity" to
"strengthen America." As numerous conservatives spoke
eagerly of putting the country on a permanent war
footing, the president proudly declared "the first war
of the twenty-first century" against an unspecified
enemy to extend over an indefinite time frame. Swept
along in the jingoist tide, that gaggle of political
wimps known as the US Congress granted Bush the power
to initiate military action against any nation,
organization, or individual of his choosing, without
ever having to proffer evidence to justify the attack.
Such an unlimited grant of arbitrary power--in
violation of international law, the UN charter, and
the U.S. Constitution--transforms the almost-elected
president into an absolute monarch who can exercise
life-and-death power over any quarter of the world.
Needless to say, numerous other nations have greeted
the president's elevation to King of the Planet with
something less than enthusiasm.

And King of the Planet is how he is acting, bombing
the already badly battered and impoverished country of
Afghanistan supposedly to "get" Osama bin Laden.
Unmentioned in all this is that U.S. leaders have
actively fostered and financed the rise of the
Taliban, and have long refused to go after bin Laden.
Meanwhile, the White House announces that other
countries may be bombed at will and the war will
continue for many years. And Deputy Defense Secretary
Paul D. Wolfowitz urges that U.S. armed forces be
allowed to engage in domestic law enforcement, a
responsibility that has been denied the military since
1878.

Under pressure to present a united front against
terrorism, Democratic legislators are rolling over on
the issue of military spending. Opposition to the
so-called missile defense shield seems to have
evaporated, as has willingness to preserve the
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. The lawmakers seem
ready to come up with most of the $8.3 billion that
the White House says it needs to develop the missile
defense shield and move forward with militarizing
outer space. Congress is marching in lockstep behind
Bush's proposal to jack up the military budget to
$328.9 billion for 2002, a spending increase of $38.2
billion over the enacted FY 2001 budget. Additional
funds have been promised to the National Security
Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, the Federal
Bureau of Investigation, and other skulduggery units
of the national security state.

Having been shown that the already gargantuan defense
budget was not enough to stop a group of suicidal
hijackers armed with box cutters, Bush and Congress
thought it best to pour still more money into the
pockets of the military-industrial cartel.
(Incidentally, the next largest arms budget is
Russia's at $51 billion. If we add up the defense
allocations of all the leading industrial nations, it
comes to less than what the United States is already
spending.)

Wag the Dog

Many of the measures being taken to "fight terrorism"
have little to do with actual security and are public
relations ploys designed to (a) heighten the nation's
siege psychology and (b) demonstrate that the
government has things under control. So aircraft
carriers are deployed off the coast of New York to
"guard the city"; national guardsmen dressed in combat
fatigues and armed with automatic weapons "patrol the
airports"; sidewalk baggage check-ins and electronic
tickets are prohibited supposedly to create "greater
security." Since increased security leads to greater
inconvenience, it has been decided that greater
inconvenience will somehow increase security--or at
least give the appearance of greater security.

Then there is that biggest public relations ploy of
all, the bombing of hillsides and villages in
Afghanistan, leaving us with the reassuring image of
Uncle Sam striking back at the terrorists. To stop the
bombing, the Taliban offered to hand over bin Laden to
a third country to stand trial, now without even
seeing any evidence against him. But this was rejected
by the White House. It seems that displaying U.S.
retaliatory power and establishing a military presence
in that battered country are the primary US goals, not
apprehending bin Laden.

Lost in all this is the fact that U.S. leaders have
been the greatest purveyors of terrorism throughout
the world. In past decades they or their surrogate
mercenary forces have unleashed terror bombing
campaigns against unarmed civilian populations,
destroying houses, schools, hospitals, churches,
hotels, factories, farms, bridges, and other
nonmilitary targets in Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, East
Timor, the Congo, Panama, Grenada, El Salvador,
Guatemala, Angola, Mozambique, Somalia, Iraq,
Yugoslavia, and numerous other countries, causing
death and destruction to millions of innocents. Using
death squad terrorism US leaders have also been
successful in destroying reformist and democratic
movements in scores of countries. Of course hardly a
word of this is uttered in the corporate media,
leaving Bush and company free to parade themselves as
the champions of peace and freedom.

In time, the American people may catch wise that the
reactionaries in the White House have not the
slightest clue about how they are going to save us
from future assaults. They seem more interested
in--and are certainly more capable of--taking
advantage of terrorist attacks than in preventing
them. They have neither the interest nor the will to
make the kind of major changes in policy that would
dilute the hatred so many people around the world feel
toward US power. They are too busy handing the world
over to the transnational corporate giants at the
expense of people everywhere. And as of now, they have
no intention of making a 180 degree shift away from
unilateral global domination and toward collective
betterment and mutual development.

Reactionary Offensive on the Home Front

Several bills pending in Congress are designed to
expand the definition of terrorism to include all but
the most innocuous forms of protest. S 1510, for
example, treats terrorism as any action that might
potentially put another person at risk. The bill gives
the Feds power to seize the assets of any organization
or individual deemed to be aiding or abetting
"terrorist activity." And it can be applied
retroactively without a statute of limitations. A
telephone interview I did with Radio Tehran in
mid-October, trying to explain why U.S. foreign policy
is so justifiably hated around the world, might
qualify me for detention as someone who is abetting
terrorism.

Other bills will expand the authority of law
enforcement officials to use wiretaps, detain
immigrants, subpoena email and Internet records, and
infiltrate protest organizations. Some nine hundred
people have already been rounded up and put into
"preventive detention," with no charges brought
against them and no legal redress. In keeping with the
reactionary Right's agenda, the war against terrorism
has become a cover for the war against democratic
dissent and public sector services. The message is
clear, America must emulate not Athens but Sparta.

One of the White House's earliest steps to protect the
country from terrorist violence was to cut from the
proposed federal budget the $1 billion slated to
assist little children who are victims of domestic
abuse or abandonment. Certainly a nation at war has no
resources to squander on battered kids or other such
frills. Instead Congress passed a $40 billion
supplemental, including $20 billion for "recovery
efforts," much of it to help clean up and repair New
York's financial district.

Bush then came up with an "emergency package" for the
airlines, $5 billion in direct cash and $10 billion in
loan guarantees, with the promise of billions more.
The airlines were beset by fiscal problems well before
the September attacks. This bailout has little to do
with fighting terrorism. The costs for greater airport
security will mostly likely be picked up by the
federal government. And taken together, the loss of
four planes by United and American Airlines, the
impending lawsuits by victims' families, and higher
insurance rates do not of themselves create
industry-wide insolvency, and do not justify a
multibillion dollar bailout. The real story is that
once the industry was deregulated, the airlines began
overcapitalizing without sufficient regard for
earnings, the assumption being that profits would
follow after a company squeezed its competitors to the
wall by grabbing a larger chunk of the market. So the
profligate diseconomies of "free market" corporate
competition are once more picked up by the US
taxpayer--this time in the name of fighting terrorism.


Meanwhile some 80,000 airline employees were laid off
in the several weeks after the terrorist attack,
including ticket agents, flight attendants, pilots,
mechanics, and ramp workers. They will not see a penny
of the windfall reaped by the airline plutocrats and
shareholders, whose patriotism does not extend to
giving their employees a helping hand. At one point in
the House debate, a frustrated Rep. Jay Inslee
(D-Wash.) shouted out, "Why in this chamber do the big
dogs always eat first?" Inslee was expressing his
concerns about the 20,000 to 30,000 Boeing workers who
were being let go without any emergency allocation for
their families. Sen. Peter G. Fitzgerald (R-Ill.)
expressed a similar sentiment when casting the lone
dissenting vote in the Senate against the airline
bailout: "Congress should be wary of indiscriminately
dishing out taxpayer dollars to prop up a failing
industry without demanding something in return for
taxpayers." It remained for Sen. Hillary Rodham
Clinton (D-N.Y.) to explain on behalf of the Bush
warmongers why the handout was necessary: "We need to
look at transportation again as part of our national
defense."

The post-September 11 anti-terrorism hype is serving
as an excuse to silence any opposition to drilling in
the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Our nation needs
oil to maintain its strength and security, we hear.
Against this manipulative message, the environment
does not stand much of a chance. Likewise, US Trade
representative Zoellick enlisted the terrorism hype in
the White House' s campaign to surrender our
democratic sovereignty to corporate dominated
international trade councils. In a Washington Post
op-ed (September 20) Zoellick charged that opposition
to fast track and globalization was akin to supporting
the terrorists. House Republican leaders joined in,
claiming that trade legislation was needed to solidify
the global coalition fighting terrorism. Here was yet
another overreaching opportunistic attempt to wrap the
flag around a reactionary special interest.

Actually it is the free trade agreements that threaten
our democratic sovereignty. All public programs and
services that regulate or infringe in any way upon
big-money corporate capitalism can be rolled back by
industry-dominated oligarchic trade councils.
Corporations can now tell governments--including our
federal, state, and local governments--what public
programs and regulations are acceptable or
unacceptable. The reactionaries do not explain how
giving private, nonelective, corporate-dominated trade
councils a supranational supreme power to override our
laws and our Constitution will help in the war against
terrorism.

Looting the Surplus

The bailout to the airline industry is only part of
the spending spree that the White House has in store
for us. Bush now endorses a "stimulus" of $60 billion
to $75 billion to lift the country out of recession by
"recharging business investment." He also has called
for an additional $60 billion tax cut which, like
previous tax reductions, would give meager sums to
ordinary folks and lavish amounts to fat cats and
plutocrats. Where is all this money for defense, war,
internal security, airlines, rebuilding lower
Manhattan, tax cuts, and recharging the economy coming
from? Much of it is from the Social Security surplus
fund--which is why Bush is so eager to spend.

It is a myth that conservatives are practitioners of
fiscal responsibility. Rightwing politicians who sing
hymns to a balanced budget have been among the wildest
deficit spenders. In twelve years (1981-1992) the
Reagan-Bush administrations increased the national
debt from $850 billion to $4.5 trillion. By early
2000, the debt had climbed to over $5.7 trillion. The
deficit is pumped up by two things: first, successive
tax cuts to rich individuals and corporations--so that
the government increasingly borrows from the wealthy
creditors it should be taxing, and second, titanic
military budgets. In twelve years, the Reagan-Bush
expenditures on the military came to $3.7 trillion. In
eight years, Bill Clinton spent over $2 trillion on
the military.

The payments on the national debt amount to about $350
billion a year, representing a colossal upward
redistribution of income from working taxpayers to
rich creditors. The last two Clinton budgets were the
first to trim away the yearly deficit and produce a
surplus. The first Bush budget also promised to
produce a surplus, almost all of it from Social
Security taxes. As a loyal representative of financial
interests, George W., like his daddy, prefers the
upward redistribution of income that comes with a
large deficit. The creditor class, composed mostly of
superrich individuals and financial institutions,
wants this nation to be in debt to it--the same way it
wants every other nation to be in debt to it.

Furthermore, the reactionary enemies of Social
Security have long argued that the fund will
eventually become insolvent and must therefore be
privatized (We must destroy the fund in order to save
it.) But with Social Security continuing to produce
record surpluses, this argument becomes increasingly
implausible. By defunding Social Security, either
through privatization or deficit spending or both,
Bush achieves a key goal of the reactionary agenda.

How Far the Flag?

As of October 2001, almost-elected president Bush
sported a 90 percent approval rating, as millions
rallied around the flag. A majority support his
military assault upon the people of Afghanistan, in
the mistaken notion that this will stop terrorism and
protect U.S. security. But before losing heart, keep a
few things in mind. There are millions of people who,
though deeply disturbed by the terrible deeds of
September 11, and apprehensive about future attacks,
are not completely swept up in the reactionary agenda.
Taking an approach that would utilize international
law and diplomacy has gone unmentioned in the
corporate media, yet 30 percent of Americans support
that option, compared to 54 percent who support
military actions (with 16 percent undecided) according
to a recent Gallup poll. Quite likely a majority of
Americans would support an international law approach
if they had ever heard it discussed and explained
seriously.

In any case, there are millions of people in the U.S.
who want neither protracted wars nor a surrender of
individual rights and liberties, nor drastic cuts in
public services and retirement funds. Tens of
thousands have taken to the streets not to hail the
chief but to oppose his war and his reactionary
agenda. Even among the flag-waivers, support for Bush
seems to be a mile wide and an inch deep. The
media-pumped jingoistic craze that grips the United
States today is mostly just that, a craze. In time, it
grows stale and reality returns. One cannot pay the
grocery bills with flags or pay the rent with vengeful
slogans.

My thoughts go back to another President Bush, George
the first, who early in 1991 had an approval rating of
93 percent, and a fawning resolution from Congress
hailing his "unerring leadership." Yet within the
year, he was soundly defeated for reelection by a
garrulous governor from Arkansas. Those who believe in
democracy must be undeterred in their determination to
educate, organize, and agitate. In any case, swimming
against the current is always preferable to being
swept over the waterfall.

Among Michael Parenti's recent books are "History as
Mystery," and the 7th edition of "Democracy for the
Few."



=====
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
As I've often told Ginsberg, you can't blame the President for the state of the 
country, it's always the poets' fault.
You can't expect politicians to come up with a vision, they don't have it in them. 
Poets have to come up with the vision and they have to turn it on so it sparks and 
catches hold.
KEN KESEY (1935 - 2001)

http://www.sinkers.org/news_earth.html

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