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From
http://www.guardian.co.uk/analysis/story/0,3604,602819,00.html

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House of Saud looks close to collapse
Modern Saudi Arabia is supported by the US and Britain in order to
guarantee a steady flow of oil. Their war on terrorism could destroy
it
David Leigh and Richard Norton-Taylor
Wednesday November 21, 2001
The Guardian
While tabloid cheerleaders and spin doctors have been celebrating
the fall of Kabul and the retreat of Taliban and al-Qaida fighters, the
mood in other parts of Whitehall is much more sombre. For senior
ministerial advisers know that the real cancer in the Middle East is
not Afghanistan, but Saudi Arabia.
Fears are growing that the important but anachronistic country
which spawned Osama bin Laden and many of the September 11
hijackers faces the real prospect of a coup. "The Saudi royals have
been paying off the terrorists with danegeld for a long while," says
one well-placed source. "There is a danger that well-educated
returnees from US colleges who cannot get work will make
common cause with the people of the souks and overthrow them."
This week, newspapers, including the Economist and Time magazine, published extensive 
and flattering advertisements placed by the Saudi regime - a clear indication of its 
concern about the future, as well as the bad publi
city seeping out about its past links with Bin Laden and the Taliban.
Modern Saudi Arabia is to an extent a perverted creation of America and its British 
ally. Henry Kissinger, the former US secretary of state, spelled out in his recent 
book on American foreign policy its essentially manipu
lative approach to such Middle East states as Saudi Arabia. The US, he says, cannot 
afford the region to be "dominated by countries whose purposes are inimical to ours". 
Their economic "purposes" have been to prop up a re
gime which would guarantee a stable flow of petrol and oil to the US at relatively low 
prices and recycle its petrodollars back to the west in the shape of construction 
projects and arms purchases.
The Saudis control 25% of world oil reserves. The US has paid the royal family up to 
$100bn a year for it.
The first bomb attack on the World Trade Centre in New York took place in 1993: Osama 
bin Laden was in exile in Khartoum, nursing his rage against the Saudi royal family 
and the US bases they permit on Saudi soil. In Brit
ain, the then government was more interested in money-making opportunities than in 
registering these sinister signs and re-evaluating their relationships with a 
frustrated Muslim world.
British MI6 intelligence about Iranian military planning was being circulated   by 
John Major to the ailing King Fahd in Riyadh, to help keep him on his throne in return 
for more lucrative arms sales: the notorious Al Yam
amah weapons deal was already transferring �1.5bn a year into British pockets.
The Saud clan - now estimated to number more than 7,000 privileged tribesmen - are 
still clinging to absolute power. However, much of their oil wealth has been frittered 
away, and unemployment among young Saudis is rising
. Per capita income in the early 1980s was $28,000. It is now below $10,000.
The dictatorial Saud clan describe themselves as "guardians of the two holy places" 
and preside over the vast annual pilgrimages to Mecca. They poured cash into the 
Islamic University at Medina and similar schools across
the Muslim world, from Cairo to Peshawar.
The anti-modernist religion they promoted became a focus for guilt and anger among 
young men frustrated at modern "corruption" and deprived not only of normal social 
lives, but of all democratic political outlets.
In 1979, 200 armed fundamentalists, many of whom had studied Islam at Medina, took 
over the grand mosque at Mecca. But 63 of the ringleaders were publicly beheaded in 
selected town squares all over the country, and the se
eds of rebellion quickly led to repression. Shaheed Coovadia, who now teaches in the 
US, studied at Medina. He says: "That incident was a turning point. When I was there 
you couldn't move without permission. It was like l
iving in a police state. People even came to check your bed to see if you'd risen for 
the morning prayer."
Providentially that same year, Soviet troops rumbled over the mountain roads into 
Afghanistan to shore up a tottering pro-communist regime. The CIA had been covertly 
undermining the Afghan government by arming fundamental
ist rebels - the mojahedin. In Washington, Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Carter's 
national security adviser, was cock-a-hoop that the Russians had been drawn into what 
he saw as his cleverly baited trap. The day Soviet f
orces crossed the border, he wrote to Carter, saying: "We now have the opportunity to 
give the USSR their Vietnam war."
Young Bin Laden, son of a wealthy construction magnate, joined the anti-Soviet 
campaign. He set off for Peshawar, as the most prominent of a Saudi contingent of poor 
citizens, students, taxi-drivers and Bedouin tribesmen.

For the Saudi regime it was an outlet for an otherwise dangerous fanaticism. For the 
US, the Afghan Arabs were useful proxy troops in the cold war. As Bin Laden himself 
later described it: "The weapons were supplied by th
e Americans, the money by the Saudis."
Did the Saudi royals or the US have any qualms about arming and brutalising these 
frustrated young fundamen-talists? Brzezinski had his response to that question ready: 
"What is most important to the history of the world?
 The Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire? Some stirred-up
Muslims or the liberation of central Europe and the end of the cold
war?"
Nowadays, the west is less smug about its interference. It is
beginning to realise that the "stirred-up Muslims" may not have
finished their upheavals.
�David Leigh is the Guardian's investigations editor. Richard Norton-
Taylor is the security affairs editor.
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
richard.norton-taylor@ guardian.co.uk
Guardian Unlimited � Guardian Newspapers Limited 2001

End<{{{
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