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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

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ARTICLE 01 – Oh No, Not the ‘Tuesday Lunch Bunch’ Again!

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By Paul Connors



Why don’t we just call it Vietnam Redux?  It’s happening again, and this
time the stakes are higher. The methods are the same though, and they include
micromanagement from the highest levels in the military and civilian chains
of command.



According to a major investigative report in The Washington Post on Nov. 18
(“Target Approval Delays Cost Air Force Key Hits”), as many as ten times in
the last six weeks, the Air Force had senior Taliban and Al Qaeda leaders in
their bombsights but couldn’t get permission to fire in time to effectively
take them out of the picture. Senior Air Force officials have stated that the
problems in decapitating the Taliban and Al Qaeda leadership stemmed from an
extraordinarily cumbersome approval process that stretches from the theater
of operations all the way back to Office of the Secretary of Defense at the
Pentagon.



Does this sound familiar? Doesn’t it recall President Lyndon B. Johnson’s
infamous “Tuesday lunch bunch” meetings where he personally selected bombing
targets for the Air Force and Navy during the Vietnam War?



Air Force commanders in the theater were quoted in one news report as saying,
“We knew we had some of the big boys.”  But, one official added, “The
process is so slow that, by the time we got clearances and everybody had put
in their two cents, we called it (the mission) off.”  Some Air Force officers
even argued that the effect of the slow decisions had prolonged the war.



They further added that U.S. Special Operations troops now needed to conduct
their searches for terrorist leaders on the ground and at great personal risk
when the key enemy leaders could have been killed earlier from the air. The
officials lamented the tampering in operational planning and mission conduct
by politicians and appointees thousands of miles from the fighting.



One Air Force four-star general actually blamed some of the problems on the
micromanagement of the war by Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and his
advisers at the Pentagon. The general said, “The execution of the war was
military amateur hour.”  He added, “The worst thing is the lack of trust at
senior leadership levels.” He did not mean the military’s senior leadership,
he was specifically referring to the civilian hierarchy within the Defense
Department.



Despite what would appear to be a repeat of many of the problems faced by
senior Air Force and Navy commanders during the Vietnam War, the current
generation of Air Force leaders seems to face most of their frustrations in
getting approval for air strikes from U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM)
headquarters. CENTCOM, which is run by Army General Tommy Franks, would seem
to be a “black hole” when it comes to air mission taskings and approvals for
targeting.



Air Force Lt. Gen. Charles Wald, who until recently was air commander for the
current campaign, reportedly complained about the clearance and approval
process to Franks more than a dozen times since the military campaign began
on Oct 7.  General Wald was explicit and blunt when he told his superiors in
the Air Force that he never received a response from General Franks.



What added to an already difficult campaign plan was that CENTCOM, which has
its headquarters at MacDill AFB, Fla., retained for itself the authority to
clear attacks against sensitive targets, rather than delegating that
authority to commanders based at Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia.



Although many have questioned Air Force assertions that campaigns can now be
won from the air with minimal need for ground troops, the Air Force described
CENTCOM as a bottleneck. Every significant target would require either
CENTCOM approval or clearance by more senior officials in Washington. One Air
Force officer described the delays and obfuscations as almost too numerous to
count.  He also added, “Imagine you have a target in sight, you have to wake
up people in the middle of the night and they say, ‘uhhh.’ ” Another
officer’s comments were more succinct. He stated, “It’s a scandal.”



General Franks appears to the Air Force and other observers to be far too
cautious.  Like many who grew up in the politically charged atmosphere of the
Vietnam War and its aftermath, he wants to be absolutely certain of each move
before he makes it. As his less-than-stellar predecessors before him did,
Franks seeks to dodge any blame for mistakes that “might” occur and
manipulates the outcome so that none will on his watch.



A recent example of Franks’ lack of decisiveness and wanting conclusive proof
arose when a viable target was identified and pinpointed by real-time imagery
from a drone reconnaissance aircraft. The Air Force operations center in
Saudi Arabia called for a quick strike against the target but was overridden
by officers in Tampa advising Franks who asked for a second source of data.
The Air Force planners in Saudi Arabia were beside themselves. One officer
offered this comment, “It’s kind of ridiculous when you have a live feed
from the ‘Predator’ and the intel guys say, ‘We need independent
verification.’ ”



When President Bush was elected and picked his advisers, many in the military
breathed a sigh of relief because they thought the meddling by the amateurs
(from the Clinton years) was behind them.



But it would seem that political propinquity and sycophancy know no party
boundaries and the disease of civilian micromanagement has carried over into
the new administration.



Let’s face it: This war is not the Vietnam War and it isn’t Operation Desert
Storm.  Vietnam was unpopular and raised the level of discord in America to
previously unseen levels. The Gulf War had the backing of most of the
American people and it was fought and won swiftly. This conflict, which could
very well be one that will determine our future as a free nation, is being
hampered by the same lackluster amateurishness that has haunted the American
military since the days of LBJ.



When will the politicians learn? When it comes to warfare, the generals and
the admirals are our supposed experts. Let them do their jobs and finish off
the enemy wherever and whenever they are found. Quick and aggressive action
is much more likely to achieve a desirable outcome than the waffling of
bureaucrats and politicians far from the action. The message we should be
sending here is, “Lead, follow or get the hell out of the way.”



To General Franks and his advisers at CENTCOM I can only say, “Shame on you.
You are military and should know better!”  To Secretary Rumsfeld I offer this
advice: Try trusting your field commanders. They’re the ones with the
training and expertise to handle warfare. Also, trust is a two-way street; if
you want the commanders to trust you, you have to trust them.



Paul Connors is DefenseWatch Air Force Editor.




Table of Contents


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ARTICLE 02 – ON THE RECORD: Rumsfeld Response to Targeting Controversy

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The following are excerpts of a press briefing by Secretary of Defense Donald
H. Rumsfeld at the Pentagon on Monday, Nov. 19, 2001.



Q: If we are to believe The Washington Post, some of these critics are right
here in this building. Could I just get your reaction to the Post story of
yesterday, which said that red tape was in some cases preventing effective
targeting? And apparently, one anonymous four-star general accused you of
micromanaging the war.



Rumsfeld: I – when [Central Command Commander] General [Tommy] Franks was
here, he responded to that question. He was asked if he was getting targeting
advice, I believe, from the Pentagon, and he allowed as how he was not. And I
intervened and pointed out that, in fact, he was – that we were encouraging
him to attack the enemy vigorously. …



But the – think about what takes place. What takes place is, the president
says, “Go after terrorists.” I sit down with the defense establishment, and
a plan is developed. And we – General Franks is in charge of that. And he
then presents that plan to me, and we talk about it with the advice of the
chiefs and the chairman and the vice chairman, and then, at some point, we
present it to the National Security Council and the president. He then goes
off and implements that plan. …



And he then goes out and makes a series of very tough calls – he and the
people under him. And I delegate to him the authority to strike targets, and
he does. He goes and uses that delegation of authority, makes his judgments.



And he has to balance the question of doing the maximum amount to kill people
on the ground, who might be part of the al Qaeda and Taliban leadership,
against trying to avoid so much collateral damage and blowing up of mosques
and the like that he ends up creating a feeling against the United States and
the coalition forces on the ground in Afghanistan, and/or spreads the
conflict to other countries by virtue of the seeming lack of interest in the
extent to which collateral damage is imposed on the people on the ground. So
he makes a series of judgments.



Now then you're going to have a bunch of people around the site who aren't
the CINC (commander-in-chief), and they're going to look at it. And they're
going to say, “Well, gee, if I'd been doing it, I would have done this. I
would have done more of that or a little less of this, or I would have done
it faster or slower.” There has never been a conflict where people didn't sit
down and say, “Gee, the CINC should have done this,” or “the CINC should
have done that.”



And my attitude is, Tommy Franks is doing a darn good job, and I think most
of the people in this building believe that. And the fact that there are one
or two anonymous people who seem to at some point have observed something
that they might have done differently ought not to surprise you at all ….



Q: Mr. Secretary, could I follow up on Jamie's initial question? Were there
any instances where the U.S. held its fire, where they had al Qaeda or
Taliban leadership in its sights and held its fire for fear of collateral
damage? Or, if indeed they got Taliban or al Qaeda leadership in their sight,
would the U.S. be told to hold its fire, for fear of collateral damage?

Rumsfeld: Look, those are decisions that are made by the CINC and the people
under the CINC. And I am sure there are instances where a target was sighted,
and it was thought that it would be a good target, but the only weapon
available was one that was indiscriminate and would have caused considerable
collateral damage, and that they made a judgment that they would wait until
the people moved and go after them somewhere else. I suspect that's the case.
I'm quite sure that's the case. And those are the kinds of judgments they
make all day long. Pilots make those decisions. …

Q: But then isn't it understandable that some might think, then, that they
are fighting this war with one hand tied behind their backs?

Rumsfeld: Certainly not. In any war, people have made exactly those same
kinds of judgments, and nobody's generally felt that – there's certainly no
one in Washington holding anyone's hands behind their back; I can tell you
that – not the president and not this person.

The – but we – In no conflict have we just gone in and indiscriminately
bombed cities because we thought that was a nice thing to do that day. We
have a goal. The goal is to get that [al Qaeda] leadership. We're trying to
get them, and we're pursuing them, and we make calculations about what the
cost-benefit ratio is. What do you gain by hitting a location … what do you
gain by hitting that location if in the process you're going to blow up three
hospitals and four orphanages and three schools to get four people?

(Transcript prepared by The Federal News Service Inc., and released by the
Defense Department.)

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