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Friday, November 23, 2001

No more undeclared wars
By Patrick J. Buchanan
© 2001 Creators Syndicate, Inc.
FDR "lied us into war because he did not have the political courage
to lead us into it," Rep. Clare Luce blurted out in 1944.

The target of Luce's accusation was a president who by then had
entered the pantheon alongside Lincoln and Washington. FDR's
courtiers savaged the lady for maligning the Great Man, but few
could credibly deny the truth of what she had said.

No matter the justice and nobility of America's cause in World War II, FDR had lied us 
into war. Even as he soothingly reassured the mothers and fathers of America ("I have 
said this before, but I shall say it again and a
gain and again: Your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign wars"), he was 
stoking war, and provoking Germany and Japan.

FDR lied about the secret war he had ordered U.S. warships to conduct against German 
U-boats. He lied about who fired the first shots when the U.S. destroyers Greer and 
Kearney were attacked. He lied about having discover
ed Hitler's plans for the conquest of South America and the Nazification of 
Christianity. No such plans existed except in the fertile and creative minds of 
British intelligence.

FDR sent picket ships out into the path of the Japanese fleet in the hope they would 
be sunk. He gave Lord Halifax secret, but unconstitutional, assurances America would 
defend His Majesty's colonies in the Pacific. He sp
urned a secret peace offer from Japan's Prince Konoye and issued a secret ultimatum to 
Tojo's regime on Nov. 26, 1941.

As Secretary of War Henry Stimson wrote in his diary two weeks before Pearl Harbor, 
"We should maneuver them into ... firing the first shot." FDR was guilty of 
impeachable high crimes. But as Field Marshal Moltke told Adm
iral Tirpitz, as he ordered the German army to invade neutral Belgium in 1914, 
"Success alone justifies war."

And America succeeded absolutely. And with FDR's death on the eve of total victory in 
the "Good War" in 1945, people no longer cared how the war had begun. Yet, our 
politics were poisoned by Roosevelt's mendacity, as it w
ould be by Truman's undeclared war in Korea ("a police action") and by Vietnam, when 
senators learned they had been deceived in the Tonkin Gulf incident.

Today, America is being stampeded into a new undeclared war, against Iraq. Thus it is 
a time for truth – a time for Congress to do its duty, and debate and decide on war or 
peace. We do not need to have our politics poiso
ned for yet another generation by the mutual recriminations of a War Party and a Peace 
Party in the aftermath of yet another undeclared war. Questions need answering.

Was Saddam involved in the massacres of Sept. 11? Was he behind the anthrax attacks? 
Is he harboring terrorist cells of al-Qaida? Is he preparing nuclear or bio-terror 
weapons to attack us? If the answer is "Yes," let Con
gress lay out the evidence before the nation and empower the president to take us to 
war.

Henry Hyde and Joe Biden, chairmen respectively of the House and Senate foreign 
relations committees, should assume their duty to the nation and history, and assert 
Congress' rightful role in the decision on war or peace.
 Both have said that they oppose a war on Iraq. But that is not enough.

On Sunday, National Security Adviser Condoleeza Rice seemed to assert that President 
Bush had the justification and right to take us to war against Saddam, should he so 
choose. But where did he get this authority? When di
d Congress cede it to him, or authorize U.S. attacks on the other Arab states on the 
War Party's enemies list?

While the United States could launch air strikes on Iraq at any moment, the ground 
troops needed for an invasion are not in place. And given the halving of U.S. forces 
since Desert Storm, it would take months before they
are ready to march – time enough for reasoned debate.

Indeed, the semi-hysteria of the War Party suggests it does not have the evidence to 
convict Saddam of Sept. 11, and a war on Iraq is but the next move on the little 
chessboards of empire they carry about in their book ba
gs. But a war on Iraq could ravage our relations with Britain, Russia and NATO; 
shatter the Afghan war coalition; inflame the Arab street; and destabilize our Arab 
allies, Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Should the Saudi
monarchy fall to a revolution as a result of an attack on Iraq, Bush would have lost 
the oil storehouse his father went to war to defend in 1991.

It's time for Congress to debate again Iraq and Saddam Hussein. Is
it to be containment or war? If it is to be war, we have a right to
know why, and to hold accountable those who take us into war. No
more Munichs, no more Yaltas, Bush said. Right he is. But let us
add:

No more undeclared wars. No more presidential wars.


Patrick J. Buchanan was twice a candidate for the Republican
presidential nomination and the Reform Party’s candidate in 2000.
Now a commentator and columnist, he served three presidents in
the White House, was a founding panelist of three national
televison shows, and is the author of six books. His current
position is chairman of The American Cause.  His newest book,
"Death of the West," will be published in January.

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