-Caveat Lector-

The Republican-sponsored economic recovery package
currently before Congress isn't a stimulus -- it's a
scandal.

http://www.motherjones.com/web_exclusives/commentary/opinion/stimulus.html

The Stimulus Scam
by Robert Borosage Nov 20, 2001

Layoffs are cascading across the country. The
recession is spreading across the globe. The Federal
Reserve has cut interest rates ten times with little
effect. Everyone agrees it is time for the government
to act immediately to help kick-start the economy, but
Congress has adjourned for a holiday recess without
passing an economic stimulus program. The reason: the
largest corporations decided that the national crisis
was their best shot to raid the federal treasury and
Republicans immediately set out to help them.

Much to their own amazement, Democrats in the Senate
resisted the GOP effort. The question now is whether
the president will bow to pressure from Congressional
Republicans and try to finish the heist before the
public catches wind of it.

This caper all started in the days after Sept. 11,
when Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan called
for a $50-100 billion stimulus package to pump life
into the staggering economy. In the bipartisan spirit
of the moment, the president signed off on principles
drawn up by leaders of both budget committees: that
the stimulus package be balanced between spending and
tax cuts, be temporary in duration to avoid running up
permanent deficits, be targeted to those most in need,
and have immediate effect.

Then the business lobby kicked in. The lobbyists
realized the growing support forming behind a stimulus
package presented them with a great chance to pocket
tax breaks that they'd sought for years -- to the tune
of tens of billions of dollars. House Republicans
eagerly assisted them, forcing through a package --
adopted in a party line vote -- that violated every
one of the principles the president had previously
embraced.

The House bill isn't balanced; it consists almost
entirely of tax cuts, most of them for corporations
and the wealthy. It isn't temporary; the corporate and
upper income tax breaks are permanent. It isn't
targeted to those most in need; the working men and
women who've lost their jobs in the downturn will get
little if any aid. It will provide little immediate
stimulus to the economy; the tax cuts will instead
contribute to large deficits down the road.

Moreover, the bill fails to meet basic economic
criteria. Corporate tax cuts don't work very well in a
recession, when businesses need customers, not
capital. Congress just forked over $15 billion to the
airline companies -- which still proceeded to lay off
nearly 100,000 workers, citing a sharp downturn in the
number of passengers.

Permanently eliminating various corporate taxes
doesn't pass the economic sniff test, either. A
permanent repeal removes any incentive for companies
to make new investments while the economy is in
recession. For example, the largest single item in the
House bill allows companies to write off new
investments at a much faster rate. The assumption is
that it will encourage companies to make investments
now while the economy is in trouble. But the House
bill extends the write-off for three years, removing
any incentive for a company to make an early decision.


The bill would also permanently legitimize the tax
dodge -- worth $21 billion over 10 years -- that
allows financial service corporations to avoid paying
taxes on income made abroad, provided they don't bring
the money home. This will be good for General Electric
and perhaps for Germany, but it won't do anything to
get our economy moving. The House bill also
accelerates the upper income tax cuts passed in the
original Bush tax "relief" bill. An estimated
seventy-five percent of American households would get
exactly nothing from this bauble.

But that's not the worst of it. The House bill repeals
the alternative minimum corporate tax, the tax signed
into law by Ronald Reagan that ensures that profitable
companies pay at least something in taxes no matter
how clever their accountants. To add insult to that
legislative injury, the bill doesn't only eliminate
the tax permanently; it repeals the tax retroactively
for 15 years. Sixteen major companies will pocket a
cool $7.4 billion in instant tax rebates. IBM would
get $1.4 billion; Ford $1 billion; General Motors and
General Electric over $600 million each. Many of the
big rebates -- no surprise here -- go to oil and gas
interests. This isn't a stimulus, it's simply a
scandal.

Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill initially dismissed
the House bill as "show time," for contributors and
lobbyists. But Majority Leader Dick Armey and GOP Whip
Tom DeLay, the House's conservative enforcers, marched
up to the White House to get the Bush administration
back in line. The president immediately abandoned the
principles he'd signed onto, and announced he "was
pleased" with the House bill.

Senate Democrats on the Finance Committee looked ready
to deal. But that roused union leaders, already livid
at the airline bailout that had done nothing for
workers, to launch a counter-lobbying campaign. Senate
Democrats responded by coughing up a surprisingly
decent economic stimulus bill of their own, one that
hews far closer to the initial criteria, featuring
spending on domestic security, help for unemployed
workers and temporary investment credits rather than
open-ended tax breaks for corporations and the
wealthy.

The Democratic proposal calls for strengthening the
nation's public health system, beefing up defense of
nuclear and other power plants and bolstering
transportation safety. The approach provides economic
stimulus that is not only badly needed but
terror-proof. Terrorist acts may lead fearful
consumers or companies to save their money. Public
spending will continue regardless and can put people
back to work.

Extending unemployment insurance and helping workers
retain health insurance coverage for their families
used to be a bipartisan policy. Now Armey scorns it as
not "commensurate with the American spirit." In fact,
unemployment insurance is an essential counter to a
recession, but today only about 40 percent of workers
laid off are eligible.

Democrats still offer corporations their pound of
flesh. The bill allows companies to write off
investments more quickly, and at a far lower rate than
the House bill. But the Democratic provision applies
only to those investments made in the next year.
Seeking some bipartisan support, Democrats also added
a grab bag of special interest tax cuts -- a subsidy
for bison meat, a tax break to turn chicken waste into
an energy source -- which has elicited much faux
populist outrage from conservatives.

Neither the House bill nor the Democratic alternative
can pass in the Senate as they now stand. So it's up
to the president to cut a deal. Thus far, he's vowed
to veto any further spending on domestic security and
offered only token assistance to the unemployed. He's
pushed to lock in corporate and upper-income tax cuts.
With citizens distracted by anthrax and Afghanistan
and families gathering for the holidays, the
administration may figure that it has enough political
cover to give corporations and wealthy contributors
their way. It would be hard to invent a greater
disgrace in a time of war and recession.  What do you
think?

Robert Borosage is co-director of the Campaign for
America's Future and a former advisor to Senators
Senators Carol Moseley-Braun, Barbara Boxer, and Paul
Wellstone and the Reverend Jesse L. Jackson.



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