-Caveat Lector-

http://www.villagevoice.com/

Week of December 19 - 25, 2001

>From the Irv Rubin Bust to the Stern Gang: The Rich
History of Jewish Terrorism
Oy McVey
by Jason Vest


WASHINGTON, D.C.�At a moment when the popular mind-set
once again links the words "Arab" and "Islamic" with
all things retrograde and threatening�including
terrorism (cue the new Charlie Daniels anthem and
revel in the poetry: "This ain't no rag, it's a
flag/And we don't wear it on our heads. . . . /We're
gonna hunt you down like a mad dog hound")�it came as
a surprise to some that the latest malefactors
accorded POW status in the "War on Terrorism" turned
out to be Jewish.
Arrested and charged last week with intriguing to do
explosive little actions on a Culver City, California,
mosque and the offices of Lebanese American U.S.
Representative Darrell Issa, Jewish Defense League
chief Irving David

Rubin and JDL member Earl Leslie Krugel were,
according to FBI wiretap transcripts, anything but
circumspect about their devices and desires: Though
Rubin lamented the wanting state of technology in the
JDL's possession (not good enough to "blow up an
entire building"), Krugel was adamant that "Arabs need
a wake-up call" and that the JDL needs to do something
to one of their "filthy mosques"�which may explain the
five pounds of gunpowder and pipe-bomb mat�riel found
at his house. "If the people responsible for September
11 are the quintessence of evil genius, these guys are
at the Keystone Kops end of the spectrum," says
Hussein Ibish, communications director for the
American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee. "The only
reassuring thing about them is their absolute
ineptitude and the fact that they were arrested."

Mainstream Jewish groups were quick to condemn the JDL
as well: Characterizing the activities of the
organization�founded in 1968 by Brooklyn's own, now
deceased Rabbi Meir Kahane�as "contemptible," the
Anti-Defamation League's regional director issued a
statement "abhor[ing] and condemn[ing] the potential
terrorist plot." The American Jewish Committee said it
"categorically condemns in the strongest possible
terms the alleged JDL plot," and went so far as to
follow up with a personal letter to Republican
representative Issa, decrying "such wanton
lawlessness," which is "so clearly contrary to the
fundamental tenets of our faith, and to the basic
principles of justice and liberty that brought our
parents and grandparents to America's shores and that
form the bedrock of our national values."

Yet some observers of the current Middle East crisis
see more than a bit of disingenuousness and historical
irony here. While both the ADL and the AJC have
condemned the JDL, they've unequivocally backed
Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon's indiscriminate
use of force against the Palestinians and the cutting
of ties with Palestinian Authority president Yasir
Arafat�neither of which is universally seen as a
particularly constructive way to slow the cycles of
violence across Israel and the Occupied Territories.

But what's even more vexing to others is the apparent
inability or unwillingness to discern similarities
between the current Palestinian milieu and Israeli
operations of 50-plus years ago, which secured
statehood from colonialist occupiers�as well as
similarities between violent, internecine struggles
among disparate underground groups. "It's peculiar,
it's paradoxical, that Sharon and Likud should be the
ones who are trying to equate any authentic resistance
in Palestine with some of the terrorist activities, as
terrorism in Israel really started with Begin and
Shamir and later Sharon," says Clovis Maksoud, the
former Arab League ambassador to the United Nations.
"It's a very valid question as to why they see no
similarities between themselves under the British and
the Palestinians under their occupation." Especially,
he adds, as the Israeli government supports museums
that honor assassins and terrorists�including one
located on a street named for a terrorist.

The thoroughfare in question runs between Florentine
and Emeq-Yisrael, and bears the name Stern Street�in
honor of Avraham Stern, a 1920s Zionist and charter
member of the Haganah, then a loose-knit Jewish
militia organized as a self-defense mechanism against
Arab violence. Finding the Haganah insufficiently
proactive in realizing the goal of a Jewish state that
would encompass "both sides of the River Jordan,"
erstwhile Mussolini follower and early-day
ultra-nationalist Ze'ev Jabotinsky broke with the
militia and formed the Irgun, which devoted itself to
terrorist operations against the British. Once an
enthusiastic Irgunist, Stern was appalled when the
Irgun decided to make common cause with the British
against the Nazis, and created the even more
underground and more violent Lehi (Lohamei Herut
Yisrael, or Fighters for the Freedom of Israel), also
known as the Stern Gang, which held there was no
greater threat to the Jews of Palestine than the
mandate's British administrators.

To this end, Stern actually made overtures to the Axis
powers; September 1940 found him in dialogue with an
emissary from Il Duce in Jerusalem, and in January
1941 he dispatched an agent to Vichy-controlled Beirut
with instructions to convey a letter to
representatives of the Reich. In it, Stern held that
the "establishment of the historical Jewish state on a
national and totalitarian basis, and bound by a treaty
with the German Reich, would be in the interest of a
maintained and strengthened future German position of
power in the Near East. Proceeding from these
considerations, [the Lehi] in Palestine, under the
condition [that] the above-mentioned national
aspirations of the Israeli freedom movement are
recognized on the side of the German Reich, offers to
actively take part in the war on Germany's side."

The Germans declined to take Stern up on the offer,
but Stern held out hope as his organization continued
to engage in terrorism against the British. After
Stern died in a shoot-out with British police in 1942,
his mantle was picked up by future Israeli prime
minister Yitzhak Shamir. Still, the Israeli
underground focused on the British as the greatest of
all evils, and on November 6, 1944, Lord Moyne, the
British minister for Middle East affairs, was
assassinated in Cairo by Eliyahu Beit-Tzuri and
Eliyahu Hakim�both members of the Lehi, who were later
arrested, convicted, and hanged. After the state of
Israel was established, the Lehi, displeased with what
it considered the too pro-Arab views of the Swedish
UN-appointed mediator for Palestine, assassinated him;
on September 17, 1948, Count Folke Bernadotte�who, as
a neutral diplomat in World War II, had saved
thousands of Jews from Nazi death camps�was shot and
killed by Lehi assassins, along with French colonel
Andre Serot, the senior UN military observer, whose
wife's life had been saved by Bernadotte.

The Bernadotte assassination was so outrageous that
the nascent government of David Ben-Gurion had little
problem disbanding the Lehi (though none of the
assassins were ever brought to justice). Yet, despite
this history of terror, the Israeli Ministry of
Defense underwrites museums commemorating the Stern
Gang and the Irgun�which, under Menachem Begin, bombed
the British headquarters at the King David Hotel in
1946, leaving 90 dead and 45 wounded (with 15 Jews
among the casualties). Like Lehi, it wasn't until 1948
that the Irgun was forced out of existence, after its
arms-transport ship, the Altalena, was blown up by the
provisional Israeli government�a point analysts like
Ibish say bears remembering.

"There are streets named after the assassins of Moyne
and Bernadotte. They are historical figures not
disavowed by the rhetoric of the state of Israel, nor
is there any reflection on the fact that two terrorist
leaders later became distinguished leaders of the
republic," Ibish says. "And now people are saying that
Arafat must have his Altalena." Ibish adds that
Israel's first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion,
"never moved against the Irgun and the Stern Gang
until after the state was established and secured,
which is definitely not true in the case of the
Palestinian Authority. Essentially, the Israelis are
asking the Palestinians to do something they
themselves refused to do."



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