-Caveat Lector-

The US State Department�s Human Rights Reports on
Israel and the Occupied Territories

http://www.mediamonitors.net/jenniferloewenstein1.html

Don't Mention It
by Jennifer Loewenstein

On Saturday, 15 December 2001, the United States
vetoed a United Nations Security Council resolution
that would have cleared the way for international
monitors in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Many believe
that such monitors would help reduce the violence in
the increasingly bloody low-intensity war Israel is
waging against Palestinians living in the Occupied
Territories, as well as stop the devastating suicide
bombings against Israeli civilians. Among the reasons
the US gave for its veto was that the United Nations
is not the proper forum for resolving Middle East
violence. The US prefers to see itself as the sole
arbiter in this conflict despite or perhaps because
ofits marked pro-Israel bias, all the more evident of
late in its backing of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel
Sharon�s public condemnation of PA President Yassir
Arafat, and in its refusal to challenge Israel�s
appropriation of the Bush administration�s language
regarding America�s �War on Terror�. We are expected
to accept that Israel�s policies and strategy towards
the Palestinians are analogous to US policies and
strategy towards al-Qa�eda in Afghanistan and
elsewhere.

Most people in the Arab and Muslim worlds know that
this is a standard example of US hypocrisy and support
for unjust regimes. The United States government is
well aware of Israel�s poor human rights record both
towards the Palestinians living under its 34-year-old
occupation and towards Palestinian citizens of Israel
itself. Our politicians and pundits regularly distort
the reality of the situation, however, ignoring or
overlooking carefully documented records of Israeli
human rights abuses. To highlight this point one need
not only quote from the extensive reports of Amnesty
International or Human Rights Watch. The US State
Department has yearly, detailed reports of Israeli
human rights abuses available for anyone interested.

The State Department�s �Country Reports on Human
Rights Practices  2000: Occupied Territories�
(February 2001)  states unequivocally that �Israel�s
overall human rights record in the occupied
territories [is] poor.� It goes on to report that
�Israeli security forces committed numerous serious
human rights abuses during the year�. Since the
violence began, [September 2000] Israeli security
units often used excessive force against Palestinian
demonstrators. Israeli security forces sometimes
exceeded their rules of engagement, which provide that
live fire is only to be used when the lives of
soldiers, police, or civilians are in imminent danger.
�Israeli security forces abused Palestinians in
detention suspected of security offenses. � There were
numerous credible allegations that police beat persons
in detention. Three Palestinian prisoners died in
Israeli custody under ambiguous circumstances during
the year. Prison conditions are poor.  Prolonged
detention, limits on due process, and infringements on
privacy rights remained problems. Israeli security
forces sometimes impeded the provision of medical
assistance to Palestinian civilians. Israeli security
forces destroyed Palestinian-owned agricultural land.
Israeli authorities censored Palestinian publications,
placed limits on freedom of assembly, and restricted
freedom of movement for Palestinians.�

Often lauded as the only democracy in the Middle East,
Israel nevertheless appears to have difficulty
applying its high human rights standards to non-Jews.
One might plausibly argue that these standards are,
out of necessity, suspended in areas under military
occupation were it not for the fact that the Jewish
settler population in the territories benefits from
the same rights and privileges accorded their
counterparts within Israel�s internationally
recognized borders. One might also argue that
Palestinians with Israeli citizenship are equal
participants in the country�s democratic social
institutions were it not for certain serious problems
such as that nearly 70,000 Arab Israelis live in legal
limbo: the more than 100 villages they live in within
Israel are unrecognized by the government.  As a
result these residents pay taxes to the government but
are �not eligible for government services�.
Consequently, such villages have none of the
infrastructure, such as electricity, water, and
sewers, provided to recognized communities. The lack
of basic services has caused difficulties for the
villagers in regard to their education, health care,
and employment opportunities. New building in the
unrecognized villages is considered illegal and
subject to demolition.� The Israeli government has
yet to resolve the legal status of these villages and
their inhabitants. [Country Reports on Human Rights
Practices  2000: Israel; US Department of State,
February 2001.]

In addition, the report continues, Palestinian
citizens of Israel are continually subjected to
discrimination in education, housing, and employment
and are underrepresented in most of the professions
and in government. Arab land ownership remains
problematic owing to policies prohibiting the transfer
of land to non-Jews. In 1996 Arab Israelis challenged
a state policy known as the �Master Plan for the
Northern Areas of Israel� which �listed as priority
goals increasing the Galilee�s Jewish population and
blocking the territorial contiguity of Arab villages
and towns� on the basis that it discriminated against
Palestinian citizens of Israel. The government
continues to use this document as the basis for its
planning in the Galilee. [Country Reports on Human
Rights Practices  2000: Israel; US Department of
State, February 2001.]

This is but a small sample of the abuses listed
against Arab Israeli citizens. The report documenting
Israeli human rights abuses in the Occupied
Territories is still more extensive and not limited to
Israeli security forces such as the IDF (Israel
Defense Forces). The settler population, whose
presence in the territories contravenes international
law, serves as a daily provocation to Palestinians
living under the occupation. �Israeli settlers harass,
attack, and occasionally kill Palestinians in the West
Bank and Gaza,� the report informs us. �There were
credible reports that settlers injured a number of
Palestinians during the �al-Aqsa Intifada�, usually by
stoning their vehicles, which at times caused fatal
accidents, shooting them, or hitting them with moving
vehicles.  Human rights groups received several dozen
reports during the year that Israeli settlers in the
West Bank beat Palestinians and destroyed the property
of Palestinians living or farming near Israeli
settlements. For example, according to Palestinian
eyewitnesses, a group of Israeli settlers beat a
75-year-old Palestinian woman in April (i.e.,  5
months before the uprising began). �Settlers also
attacked and damaged crops, olive trees, greenhouses,
and agricultural equipment, causing extensive economic
damage to Palestinian-owned agricultural land. The
settlers did not act under government orders in the
attacks; however, the Israeli Government did not
prosecute the settlers for their acts of violence. In
general settlers rarely serve prison sentences if
convicted of a crime against a Palestinian. According
to human rights organizations, settlers sometimes
attacked Palestinian ambulances and impeded the
provision of medical services to injured
Palestinians.� [CRHRP-2000: Occupied Territories; US
Dept. of State; Feb. 2001.]

The US State Department report takes note of the fact
that �Settlers convicted in Israeli courts of crimes
against Palestinians regularly receive lighter
punishment than Palestinians convicted in Israeli
courts against either Israelis or Palestinians.� It
also notes that Palestinians accused of security
offenses (defined so broadly as to include almost
everything) in the Occupied Territories are tried in
Israeli military courts, whereas Jewish settlers
accused of security and other offenses are tried in
Israeli civil courts. That this point is noted in a
report on the human rights abuses of another country
may interest Americans recently informed that non-US
citizens accused of terror-related crimes will now be
tried by US military tribunals. A US State
Department-issued human rights report on the United
States could prove highly instructive.

The description of human rights abuses conducted by
the Israeli government, security forces, and civilians
against Palestinians in the Occupied Territories goes
on for twenty pages of tiny, single-spaced print. The
list includes home demolitions; lengthy and damaging
military �closures� on Palestinian cities, towns, and
villages; the restriction of freedom of worship and of
travel; the arbitrary closing of schools and
universities; the state-sponsored destruction of olive
and citrus orchards; censorship of Palestinian media;
restrictions on freedom of assembly; extradition of
Palestinian prisoners to prisons in Israel and the
difficulty of obtaining proper legal counsel; it takes
note of the IDF killings of hundreds of demonstrators
and of the policy of assassinating terror suspects
without ever attempting to bring them to trial.

The State Department report on the Occupied
Territories details the human rights abuses committed
by both the Palestinian and Israeli regimes, but makes
clear that the international community considers
Israel�s authority in these areas not only abusive but
also illegal.  In the report on Israel we are reminded
that �the international community does not recognize
Israel�s sovereignty over any part of the Occupied
Territories,� and any mildly critical glance at the
body of international law dealing with this subject,
including the 1949 Geneva Convention relating to the
Protection of Civilians in Time of War (to which
Israel is a signatory), will reveal the full extent of
Israeli legal and human rights violations.

According to government documents on US Foreign
Military Assistance, Israel will receive $720,000,000
in economic support (allowing it to free up money for
military expenditures), and $2,040,000,000 in foreign
military aid for fiscal year 2002. Congress approved
this aid package on 24 October 2001, eight months
after the US State Department published its latest
human rights report on Israel and the Occupied
Territories. Because it is no secret that Israel
commits serious human rights abuses (indeed, Senator
Russ Feingold [D-WI] called the most recent State
Department human rights report on Israel �disturbing�
in a letter to me dated 31 October 2001) one has to
wonder how it is that this public record is virtually
unknown to, or ignored by, our major media and
intellectual classes.   Could it be that our reasons
for supporting Israel have nothing to do with valuing
those who believe in �progress and pluralism,
tolerance and freedom�? (George W. Bush; 20 September
2001)  We may need to redefine what �civilized� means.
Or perhaps we should simply urge Attorney General
Ashcroft to suppress such information in the future.




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