-Caveat Lector-

South African government to appeal against AIDS drug verdict
By Barry Mason and Chris Talbot
27 December 2001

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2001/dec2001/aids-d27.shtml


The South African government is to appeal a court decision
instructing it to make the drug Nevirapine universally available in
order to prevent maternal transmission of the HIV virus. It is
appealing to the Constitutional Court, the country�s highest legal
body, against the right of a judge to set government policy.

Health Minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang claimed that the
government was not opposed to developing a program to reduce mother
to child transmission of HIV. It was only appealing to clarify �a
constitutional and jurisdictional matter which, if left vague,
could throw executive policy making into disarray and create
confusion about the principle of separation of powers, which is a
cornerstone of our democracy.�

The ANC government is in fact opposed to the use of anti-retroviral
AIDS drugs, not out of medical or scientific concern about the
safety or validity of the treatment but because of the cost of
providing universal access to healthcare for all members of
society, including the poorest. South Africa, unlike most
countries, has this right to healthcare written into its
constitution. In giving his ruling in the High Court on December
14, Judge Chris Botha specifically cited Section 27 of the
post-Apartheid constitution that guarantees access to health care
services including the right to reproductive heath care.

The ruling was in response to an action brought by the Treatment
Action Campaign (TAC) an umbrella group of Aids activists, the
Children�s Rights Centre and Save Our Babies, backed by a group of
paediatricians. On present government practice Nevirapine can be
made available to about 10 percent of pregnant women and is
prescribed on an experimental basis through 18 health centres.

In his judgement Botha took up the arguments the government had
used not to make the drug more widely available. �Much was made of
the conditional registration of Nevirapine and its possible side
effects�, the judge said. �The evidence was that the side effects
are associated with long-term use, not with the one-off use for the
prevention of intrapartum MTCT (Mother To Child Transmission) of
HIV. The evidence was also that the mutations that lead to
resistance are transient and disappear when Nevirapine is no longer
in the body�.

Worldwide testing has shown that Nevirapine can prevent maternal
transmission of the HIV virus in up to 50 percent of cases. In
South Africa, the country with the highest number of AIDS cases in
the world, between 70,000 and 100,000 babies are born HIV positive
every year. As many as 25 percent of pregnant women are HIV
positive and up to 30 percent of these pass on the virus to their
babies. Far more effective drug treatments are available in the
wealthier western countries where the rate of preventing HIV
transmission to babies is 95 percent and higher.

The German manufacturer Boehringer Ingelheim has offered South
Africa Nevirapine free of charge for the next five years. Like all
anti-AIDS drugs, Nevirapine has serious side effects in long-term
use, but to prevent mother to child transmission only a minimal
dose is required�to the mother at the onset of labour and to the
baby after birth.

In the one province of South Africa where Nevirapine has been made
available�Western Cape where the ANC were not in political control
when it was introduced�the main cost incurred has been not in drugs
but providing formula feed to prevent breast milk transmission.
Counselling services also had to be provided.

In court the government had argued against the usefulness of giving
Nevirapine when breast-feeding would render the newborn at risk. In
his judgement Botha responded: �It would be irresponsible to
administer Nevirapine to the mother without counselling her as to
the risks of breast feeding.� Botha also took up the government�s
argument that it would be too expensive to make Nevirapine
universally available. �The arguments against allowing doctors in
the public sector to prescribe Nevirapine are mainly that it would
throw the system in disarray, that it would cause budgeting
distortions, and that it would set a precedent for the prescription
of expensive drugs for the most esoteric conditions. I cannot agree
with these arguments. We are not concerned with the prescription of
an expensive drug. Its cost is minimal, if it is to have any price
at all.�

The government had also argued that the pilot programme to provide
the drug at 18 centres was the precursor to its wider distribution.
TAC countered this, claiming that the government had no political
will to make the drug more readily available. The judge agreed with
TAC and accused the government of procrastination. �This leads only
to one conclusion: that there is no comprehensive and coordinated
plan for a roll out of MTCT [mother to child transmission]
prevention programme�, Judge Botha said. �There is no unqualified
commitment to reach the rest of the population in any given time or
at any given rate.� He insisted, �a countrywide MTCT prevention
programme is an ineluctable obligation of the state.�

Despite Judge Botha�s reference to the minimal cost of the
programme for maternal transmission, it is the wider implications
for AIDS treatment that particularly concern the ANC government. It
is for this reason that they have appealed to the Constitutional
Court, with the result that even if the High Court order is finally
accepted it could be delayed by up to a year.

Mark Heywood, TAC secretary-general, made clear that the broader
issue of AIDS treatment in the whole population was at stake. Even
if babies could get the medication �they need parents.� He insisted
that anti-retroviral drugs had to be made available as well as
treatment for AIDS-related infections and support programmes. �The
problem of AIDS is a deep and multi-dimensional one. This judgement
is very, very significant but it doesn�t solve the problem.�

In opposing the right to treatment of the millions condemned to die
from AIDS, the ANC government has to attack the constitution it
claims to support. That the right to universal healthcare was
written into constitution when Apartheid was ended was an admission
that the discrimination practised by the white racist regime was
socio-economic, as well as political. When President Thabo Mbeki
began to question the connection between the HIV virus and AIDS
last year, it was to distract attention from the political crisis
faced by the ANC leadership as millions of poor black demanded what
they were told was a right. The huge mobilisation of resources
needed to tackle the AIDS catastrophe in Africa are in direct
contradiction to the free market economics espoused by Mbeki and
his backers in the West.



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