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Looking out for number one
Defense relations between Israel and India have grown so strong that some
say Israel is replacing Russia as India's main arms supplier.
By Amnon Barzilai
Haaretz Wednesday, January 02, 2002 Tevet 18, 5762
No fewer than three official Israeli delegations have visited India in
recent weeks. Just last week, the two countries conducted their semi-annual
political dialogue in New Delhi. At the end of November, for the first time
since Israel and India established diplomatic relations almost a decade ago
in the wake of the Madrid Conference, a parliamentary delegation headed by
MK Amnon Rubinstein, visited the Indian parliament. And early in November,
a defense delegation headed by Defense Minister Director General Amos Yaron
went to India for a strategic dialogue between the two countries. Next
month, an Indian delegation arrives here to discuss the war against
terrorism.
The visits are a reflection of a flourishing bilateral relationship. So is
the rapidly growing trade between the two countries, which has accelerated
from a few million dollars in 1992 to some $600 million in exports to India
- and another $600 million in imports - in 2000. And that doesn't count
sales of weapons systems. Among the ceremonies now being planned for next
year to mark a decade of diplomatic ties are a visit by Indian President
Kocheril Raman Narayanan to Israel, and a visit by Prime Minister Ariel
Sharon to India. There's even talk of a joint stamp to be issued by both
countries.
Shared interests
The security discussions that take place every six months overshadow
everything else. These talks are comprehensive, and the most recent, taking
place against the background of the terror attack on the U.S. and the war
on Afghanistan, reflected the common strategic outlook and depth of
security interests that form the foundation of the relationship between the
two countries. More than ever, defense establishment leaders in both
countries felt that they share a common fate.
Both countries represent peoples with an ancient history and culture and
they are both the only democracies, with secular governments, neighboring a
vast ocean of non-democratic Muslim states. They both have large Muslim
minorities, and suffer from terror imported from neighboring Muslim
countries - Israel from the Palestinian Authority, Syria, Lebanon, and
Iran, and India from Pakistan.
There is also something unexpected that the two countries share. In the
wake of the September 11 terror attacks, both countries were left out of
the U.S.-led coalition against terror. Washington did not want Israel in
the coalition, in order to be able to include the Arab states; it needed
Pakistan, originally the Taliban's sponsors, so it kept India at arms
length. No wonder, then, that India, despite its huge size, feels, like
Israel, that it has to build its own tools for protecting its citizens and
borders from terrorism. Those were the subjects of discussion at the
meeting that took place on November 21 at the Defense Ministry in Delhi.
The composition of the Israeli delegation is indicative of the desire for
efficient, useful talks. In addition to Yaron, there was Maj. Gen. Dr.
Yitzhak Ben-Israel, head of weapons development and infrastructure in the
Defense Ministry (MAPAT); Maj. Gen. (res.) Yossi Ben-Hanan, head of the
department for security exports (SIBAT); and the ministry's deputy director
general for foreign affairs, Brig. Gen (res.) Yekutiel Mor.
The Indian Defense Ministry officials described their difficulties in
dealing with Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. There are high mountains, vast
open spaces, bad roads, and poor weather conditions. The Israelis laid out
a range of capabilities developed over the years: stationary and mobile
observation systems, camera-carrying drones, sensors, control systems,
balloon-born cameras. Yaron made clear to his counterparts, led by Indian
Defense Ministry Director General Dr. Yogendra Narain that Israel is ready
to provide India with all the knowledge and technology developed in Israel
for fighting terrorism.
In 1994, two years after diplomatic relations were established, then
director general Maj. Gen. (res.) David Ivry signed an agreement with the
Indian Defense Ministry for security cooperation between the two countries.
As in the case of Israel's security relationship with Turkey, it was clear
that the joint effort would lead to expanding bilateral ties on all levels.
Indeed, cultural and commercial ties have increased dramatically since
then. But there were few weapons deals. One reason was the frequent
political crises in India, which kept the Defense Ministry from following
through on a deal from start to finish.
A turning point came in 1998, when elections led to a significant political
change in India. The long-ruling Congress party, with its socialist
outlook, lost to the BGT, the national Hindu party, and Atal Bihari
Vajpayee became prime minister. Interior Minister L.K. Advani, the
strongman in the party, is an admirer of Israel. As defense minister,
Vajpayee named George Fernandes.
Three months after the election, India conducted a nuclear weapons test
that shocked the world. Pakistan, its long-time rival, did the same two
weeks later. The U.S. responded with sanctions. In retrospect, the events
of 1998 added to the strengthening of the relationship between Israel and
India.
Indian needs, Israeli specialties
India was the Soviet Union's biggest customer for arms and even had the
licenses for manufacturing some Russian weapons platforms. The collapse of
the Soviet Union left India with vast amounts of outdated Russian equipment
that is not suitable for a military confrontation with Pakistan.
As the Indian defense officials described that situation to their Israeli
counterparts, it was immediately obvious that India's needs fit Israel's
capabilities. Israeli security industries have long specialized in
developing electronic subsystems to upgrade planes, ships and tanks. The
technologies range from ammunition to night vision equipment, navigation
equipment to target acquisition systems and sensors, which dramatically
improve the capabilities of otherwise outdated platforms. Israeli
specialized in these areas based on IDF and IAF needs, but was always happy
to sell what it could.
The first major weapons deal was for two Green Pine early warning stations
against ground-to-ground missiles from Pakistan. That was a $400 million
deal. Since September 11, the U.S. suspension of its sanctions on India has
opened up other possibilities. One issue that keeps coming up is whether
the U.S. will allow Israel to sell Arrow anti-ballistic missiles missiles
to India.
Israel Aircraft Industries is the main body dealing with all weapons
systems sales to India. Half a year ago it provided Barak naval missile
systems for $300 million, and for about the same amount, sold India
Searcher drones. The IAI has upgraded MiG-17 aircraft for tens of millions
of dollars, while naval shipyards in India are working on Devorah V-2
patrol boats designed by the IAI for the Israeli navy. Meanwhile, Israel
Military Industries has sold some $100 million in munitions to India.
Non-state companies are also involved. Soltam is refitting Russian 133mm
cannon into 155mm howitzers, as well as bidding for a half-billion dollar
tender to fit canons on trucks. Four Israeli companies, including Elbit
Systems and Tadiran Communications are bidding to upgrade T-72 tanks,
another half-billion dollar deal. And Rafael, the state-owned corporation
for weapons development, is hoping to provide Gil anti-tank missile
systems. Meanwhile, the Indian air force is interested in Elisra electronic
warfare systems.
But the crowning deal in the relationship could also become the most
problematic. India and Israel are preparing to sign a deal that would
supply three or four Phalcon airborne early wanting stations to India. The
deal, worth $1 billion, came together after the U.S. scotched a similar
deal between Israel and China. As in the Chinese deal, it's essentially a
three-way venture. Russia will supply Ilyushin cargo planes as the platform
for the Israeli electronics for the Indian planes. Elta, a subsidiary of
the IAI, will provide the radar, the heart of the system.
But while the Defense Ministry is convinced the deal can be signed in the
first quarter of 2002, the Foreign Ministry is concerned about relations
with China, which is demanding compensation for the signed deal the U.S.
aborted. China has its own sometimes uneasy relationship with India.
Foreign Ministry officials say it would have been better to finish dealing
with the Chinese complaint before signing a new deal with another country.
In July, at IAI headquarters in Lod, the two countries signed an
unprecedented agreement for cooperation between their aircraft industries,
for a $2 billion technology transfer to India. One element of the agreement
is a joint venture that would upgrade hundreds of outdated MiG 21s and 29s.
The IAI document indicates that in the next five years another $2 billion
in deals are in the offing with India.
In 1997, the Indian defense establishment's chief scientist, Abdul Kalam,
considered the father of the Indian missile program, visited Israel. The
purpose of the visit has never been published. Defense Ministry officials
who travel to India always include a meeting with Kalam on their itinerary.
Iansa, a journal on strategic studies published in India, came out with a
stunning report in August, quoting defense sources there as saying that
"Israel is positioned to replace Russia" as India's main weapons supplier.
According to the journal, Israel is already the number two arms supplier
after Russia; it says the deals so far signed or in the works with India
are worth some $3 billion. SIBAT doesn't publish data on the scope of
weapons deals with individual countries, but the impression from the
Defense Ministry is that India has become the main market for Israeli
weapons systems - sales are already in the range of $800 million a year,
about the same as sales to the U.S
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Aborted mission
Investigation: Did Mossad attempt
to infiltrate Islamic radical outfits
in south Asia?
Subir Bhaumik Feb 6, 2000 The Week]
http://www.the-week.com/20feb06/events2.htm
On January 12 Indian intelligence officials in Calcutta detained 11 foreign
nationals for interrogation before they were to board a Dhaka-bound
Bangladesh Biman flight. They were detained on the suspicion of being
hijackers. "But we realised that they were tabliqis (Islamic preachers), so
we let them go," said an intelligence official. They had planned to attend an
Islamic convention near Dhaka, but Bangladesh refused them visa. Later,
seemingly under Israeli pressure, India allowed them to fly to Tel Aviv.
Where's the catch? The secret circular that warned of a possible hijack
"They had landing permits at Dhaka, but that's not visa," said a diplomat in
the Bangladesh High Commission in Delhi. "We decided not to entertain them
anymore because we cannot take chances."
The eleven had Israeli passports but were believed to be Afghan nationals who
had spent a while in Iran. They had secured landing permits for Dhaka and
one-way tickets on Bangladesh Biman's Calcutta-Delhi route through a
Delhi-based travel agency.
"We have a right to deny travel facility to a passenger even if he has a
valid ticket on security grounds," said a Bangladeshi Biman official who did
not want to be named. To the Bangladesh Biman officials the eleven, who were
all Muslims, appeared "too murky".
Indian intelligence officials, too, were surprised by the nationality profile
of the eleven. "They are surely Muslims; they say that they have been on
tabligh (preaching Islam) in India for two months. But they are Israeli
nationals from the West Bank," said a Central Intelligence official.
He claimed that Tel Aviv "exerted considerable pressure" on Delhi to secure
their release. "It appeared that they could be working for a sensitive
organisation in Israel and were on a mission to Bangladesh," the official
said. The Israeli intelligence outfit, Mossad, is known to recruit Shia
Muslims to penetrate Islamic radical networks.
"It is not unlikely for Mossad to recruit 11 Afghans in Iran and grant them
Israeli citizenship to penetrate a network such as Bin Laden's. They would
begin by infiltrating them into an Islamic radical group in an unlikely place
like Bangladesh," said intelligence analyst Ashok Debbarma. The pressure
exerted on India by Israel for the release of the men, and the hurry with
which they were flown back suggested an �aborted operation'.
Mossad watchers say the operation was possibly blown off by "unwelcome
intervention" in a friendly country, and they decided to pull out.
The Calcutta immigration authorities may have laid their hands on the wrong
people. They were looking for Islamic radicals attempting hijack.
On January 11, the Bureau of Civil Aviation Security (BCAS) issued a top
secret circular (NO: ER/BCAS/PIC/CIRCULAR/99), quoting "an intelligence
input" about a possible hijack attempt on a Bangladesh Biman aircraft
originating out of India. Copies of the circular signed by regional deputy
commissioner of security (Calcutta Airport), L. Singsit, were issued to
relevant Indian agencies and Bangladesh Biman's station manager in Calcutta,
Md. Shahjahan. It said that eight "Pushtu-speaking Mujahideen" had
infiltrated into India for the purpose.
The circular also specified the motive behind the hijack: to secure the
release of the prime accused in the Mujib-ur-Rehman assassination case
including Major (later Colonel) Farooq Rehman and Major Bazlul Huda.
"Dhaka told us to take no chances," said a Bangladesh Biman official. The
Sheikh Hasina government is aware of the international links of the
Mujib-killers. While Libya had sheltered some of them in the 70s and early
80s, middle eastern countries helped others evade justice. Major (later
Colonel) Khondakhar Abdul Rashid, one of Colonel Farooq's co-plotters, is
said to be in Saudi Arabia, where he maintains close links with Pakistan's
ISI.
Meanwhile, Indian intelligence officials are still on the hunt for
"Pushtu-speaking hijackers". An additional director with Central Intelligence
said at least four hijackers were in eastern India.
If the terrorists manage to extricate the likes of Colonel Farooq through a
hijack, it will boost the �anti-Indian Islamic forces' in Bangladesh,
particularly the agitation against the Hasina government.
With a less India-friendly government in Dhaka, Pakistan's ISI could step up
its help to the insurgents in the northeast.
(The author is BBC's eastern India correspondent)
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