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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

MURDER INC IN BEIRUT

Copyright: Eric S. Margolis, 2001

January 27, 2002

Lebanese Christian warlord Elie Hobeika decided to go skin diving off Beirut
last Thursday morning. As Hobeika and three bodyguards were driving away from
apartment his villa in their Land Rover, a parked car packed with high
explosives was detonated by remote control, instantly killing all four men,
wounding six bystanders, and setting nearby buildings ablaze.

The flawlessly executed murder bore all the signs of a `wet' operation by a
professional intelligence organization.

Two days earlier, Hobeika told visiting Belgian politicians he might soon be
murdered. The reason: Hobeika was about to reveal new evidence at a Belgian
trial about the massacres of Palestinian civilians at Sabra and Shatilla
camps during the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon.

Hobeika, who had long been accused of a primary role in the slaughter, denied
guilt and announced he would present dramatic new evidence that would prove
his innocence and further implicate Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and
others in the crime. Sharon is currently under investigation in a Belgian
superior court for alleged crimes against humanity for the Lebanese massacres.

This mysterious affaire began in 1982, when Lebanon was locked in civil war
between Maronite Christians, Muslims, and the Palestine Liberation
Organization, who had set up a mini-state in southern Lebanon. Israel's
defense minister, Ariel Sharon, seized the excuse of the shooting of Israel's
ambassador to London in September, 1982, by the Abu Nidal terror group, to
invade Lebanon.

Sharon assured Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and the US he only
intended to stage a limited incursion into Lebanon to wipe out PLO
`terrorists.' In fact, Sharon launched a full-scale invasion whose aim was to
eradicate PLO, cement Israeli rule over the West Bank and Gaza, drive out
Syrian forces, and turn Lebanon into an Israeli protectorate. Israeli troops
besieged Beirut. Sharon's heavy artillery and warplanes pounded the capital
for 40 days. An estimated 17,500 Lebanese and Palestinian civilians were
killed by the Israeli invasion.

Israel sent its Lebanese Maronite Christian allies - the Phalangists and
Lebanese Forces- to `cleanse' the Palestinian refugee camps at Shatilla and
Sabra. The Phalangists were founded in the 1930's by Pierre Gemayel as a
Lebanese version of Mussolini's fascist blackshirts and had long dominated
the nation's Muslim majority. Many of the anti-Muslim Lebanese Christians
denied they were even Arabs, styling themselves `Phoenicians.' Israeli
intelligence, Mossad, had armed and financed the Phalangists during much of
the 1975-1990 Lebanese civil war. Elie Hobeika was a senior Phalangist
commander and Mossad agent with a deserved reputation for savagery and murder.

The US arranged a cease-fire between Israel and the PLO, and promised to
protect Palestinian civilians after the withdrawal of PLO fighters to
Tunisia. Soon after, Israel's principal Lebanese ally, Phalangist warlord
Bashir Gemayel, was blown to bits by a bomb, likely planted by Syrian
intelligence.

On the evening of 16 September, Israeli troops surrounded the Palestinian
refugee camps of Shatilla and Sabra. The Israeli command ordered - or at
least allowed - Phalangist fighters to enter the undefended camps

For the next 38 hours, the Phalangists, under the command of Hobeika, set
about murdering Palestinian civilians - mostly women and children - with
knives and grenades. Many women were gang raped before being killed;
children's heads were smashed against walls; pregnant women were eviscerated.
Israeli forces illuminated the scene with flares.

Senior Israeli officers watched and did nothing, or even encouraged the
killing. According to the Red Cross, at least 2,700 Palestinians were
slaughtered. A week later, 400,000 outraged Israelis demonstrated, demanding
a full investigation of the mass murder in Beirut.

An Israeli government commission found Ariel Sharon `indirectly' but
`personally responsible' for the massacre. Critics in Israel accused the
government of a whitewash and called Sharon the `butcher of Beirut.' Sharon
maintained his innocence, blaming Phalangists for the Beirut crimes, but was
forced to resign.

In 1993, Belgium empowered its courts to try citizens or foreigners for war
crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity committed anywhere.
Twenty-three Palestinians and Lebanese charged Sharon with crimes against
humanity for the 1982 Beirut massacres. The respected rights organization
Amnesty International joined in, urging Sharon face a trial.

The case has been winding its way through the Belgian legal system in spite
of Israeli contentions that Belgium has no authority to try Sharon. In the
next dramatic phase, due to begin in March, Elie Hobeika was to testify as
the star witness.

Hobeika promised to reveal new evidence implicating Sharon and unnamed
`others.' Shortly before his death, Hobeika told a visiting Belgian
parliamentary delegation that he would produce proof that the Beirut
massacres had been conducted by a secret Israeli army unit made up of
southern Lebanese Christian mercenaries who had been dressed in Lebanese
Forces uniforms.

This threat sealed likely his fate. Hobeika had many enemies inside Lebanon.
He organized numerous assassination attempts against other Lebanese warlords,
though in recent years, he became an important Syrian ally and kept a low
profile.

Old Lebanese foes may have killed Hobeika. But Israeli hit teams have
frequently used remote-controlled car bombs, identical to the one that killed
Hobeika, to assassinate Palestinian leaders and militants, both in Beirut
and, recently, in the West Bank and Gaza. Hobeika's murder certainly looks
like an Israeli operation.

A dangerous star witness in an explosive case has been rubbed out. Hobeika
was a loathsome criminal, but the world needed to hear what he planned to
say. His death shows how quickly the Levant is sinking into rampant
gangsterism worthy of Murder Inc.



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any copyrighted work in this message is distributed under fair use
without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior interest
in receiving the included information for nonprofit research and educational
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