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World Court Seeks Jurisdiction
Over U.S. Citizens And Soldiers

By David Keene

Toogood Reports [Weekender, February 17, 2002; 12:01 a.m. EST]
URL: http://ToogoodReports.com/

Many Americans can hardly wait for the upcoming trial of former
Serbian Yugoslav strongman Slobodan Milosevich. The new Serb regime
extradited him to The Hague to be tried before an international
tribunal there for crimes committed by his troops during the
conflicts that tore through the Balkans in the 1990s. The trial is
expected to be great theater.

A few skeptics wonder whether such trials by international bodies
responsible to no one nation make much sense, but the politically
correct view is that they do. That's no doubt why former President
Clinton signed a treaty which, had it been ratified by the Senate,
would have accepted the idea of a permanent international criminal
court with jurisdiction over acts committed by U.S. citizens and
soldiers.

The Senate hasn't ratified what Mr. Clinton sought, but the
international community insists that once sixty nations sign on, this
court will be able to assert jurisdiction regardless of what the
Senate does or doesn't do. The Senate's response late last year was
to pass something called the "American Service Member's Protection
Act" to shield members of our armed services from the reach of the
new court when it opens for business.

The problem is that the act doesn't go far enough. It may give U.S. citizens some 
protection from the reach of the new court, but doesn't shield them from being hauled 
before the court that is about to try Milosevic. So i
t's possible and perhaps even likely that a U.S. citizen or even a former president 
like, say, Bill Clinton, might be hauled in to answer for what happened in the Balkans 
nearly a decade ago.

Sound far-fetched? It isn't. And the fact that we thought we were the "good guys" in 
the Balkans is irrelevant. Even now, there are those who are demanding that Mr. 
Clinton, Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, and others be tar
geted for investigation by Yugoslavian war crimes Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte for acts 
committed in the mid-1990s.

At the time, Bosnia was this country's biggest foreign policy problem. To avoid 
committing U.S. ground forces to the region, the Clinton administration in August 1995 
got the Croatian army to launch a massive ground offen
sive known as Operation Storm against Serb positions in Croatia and Bosnia. Croat 
forces routed the Serbs, but the evidence suggests that Washington dreamed up and 
controlled the whole operation.

The Observer of London claims that Mr. Clinton gave the Croats the green light for the 
attack, and Mr. Holbrooke reveals in his memoirs that we controlled the entire 
operation. We apparently told the Croats when to launch
 their attack, which towns to take and where to stop. Mr. Holbrooke makes clear that 
they did just what we wanted. He even quotes then-U.S. Ambassador Robert Frasure as to 
our motive, "We hired these guys [the Croats] to
be our junkyard dogs because we were desperate."

And therein lies the problem. We may well be held responsible for the acts of our 
"junkyard dogs." Mrs. Del Ponte has described the operation as an ethnic cleansing 
campaign designed to drive hundreds of thousands of Serb
s from their homes, and recently indicted a Croat general, Ante Gotovina, for his role 
in it. Gotovina isn't accused of personally committing or even ordering any crimes, 
but of bearing "command responsibility" for crimes
 committed by others.

This could prove to be very bad news for former President Clinton. After all, the 
ultimate "command responsibility" for Operation Storm may well have rested with him, 
and the Gotovina precedent may make it possible to bri
ng similar charges against him.

Mr. Clinton would, of course, be expected to deny everything, but denials won't wash 
in light of what those close to him have said in the years since. Based on Mr. 
Holbrooke's admissions alone, a prima facie case might be
 made against Mr. Clinton and others in his administration. After all, they ordered 
the operation launched, knew how the Croats were acting during the operation, directed 
their forces to specific targets and had the abili
ty to call them off.

Some argue that if Gotovina is to be tried because he had "command responsibility" for 
what happened, Mr. Clinton should be forced to face the same charges. The politically 
correct in Europe seem to agree, and therefore e
xpect Mrs. Del Ponte to launch an investigation that could ultimately lead to the 
former president's indictment. If one accepts the logic behind the Gotovina indictment 
and finds Mr. Holbrooke credible, one would be force
d to the conclusion that she may have no choice but to go after Mr. Clinton.

The real question is whether such tribunals ought to be able to roam around punishing 
world leaders who authorize the use of armed force when anyone who carries out their 
orders misbehaves.

It's tempting for a salivating, die-hard Clinton hater to skip over that question, but 
even if such a trial would make for good theater, it ought to be avoided. If it isn't, 
no future president will be able to go to sleep
 at night without worrying about what some corporal somewhere might be contemplating.



NOTICE TO WRITERS: To obtain required information prior to submitting
your essay to Toogood Reports for publication send for �Commentary
Submissions� guidelines. Nonconforming submissions will not be
considered for publication.

David Keene is Chairman of the American Conservative Union and a
Washington-based government affairs consultant. E-Mail him at
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

February 17, 2002

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