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A discreet way of doing business with Iraq 
FT.com site; Nov 3, 2000
BY CAROLA HOYOS, UNITED NATIONS CORRESPONDENT

http://globalarchive.ft.com/globalarchive/articles.html?
offset=&query=cheney+iraq+halliburton&multiViewArticleId001103000626=0
01103000626

Millions of dollars of US oil business with Iraq are being channelled 
discreetly through European and other companies, in a practice that 
has highlighted the double standards now dominating relations between 
Baghdad and Washington after a decade of crippling sanctions. 

Though legal, leading US oil service companies such as Halliburton, 
Baker Hughes, Schlumberger, Flowserve, Fisher-Rosemount and others, 
have used subsidiaries and joint venture companies for this lucrative 
business, so as to avoid straining relations with Washington and 
jeopardising their ties with President Saddam Hussein's government in 
Baghdad. 

By submitting their contracts to the UN via mainly French 
subsidiaries, many of which do little more than lend their name to 
the transaction, the companies are treated as European, rather than 
US or Japanese, applicants. 

In 1998 the UN passed a resolution allowing Iraq, the world's sixth 
largest oil producer, to buy spare parts for its dilapidated oil 
industry. 

Since then, only two of the 3,058 contracts for oil industry parts 
that have been submitted to the UN have officially come from US 
companies. But the facts behind these figures tell a very different 
story. 

US companies have in fact submitted contracts worth at least $100m to 
the UN for approval to supply Iraq with oil industry spare parts, 
through their foreign subsidiaries. Some informed estimates put that 
value as high as $170m. 

They have used, or allowed, associated companies, mainly in France, 
but also in Belgium, Germany, India, Switzerland, Bahrain, Egypt and 
the Netherlands, to put the contracts through. 

"It is a wonderful example of how ludicrous sanctions have become," 
says Raad Alkadiri, analyst at the Petroleum Finance Company, a 
Washington-based consulting firm. 

"On the one hand you have the Americans, who do not want to be seen 
trading with Iraq, despite the fact that it is above board and 
legitimate, because that would contradict their image of being tough 
towards Iraq. On the other hand you have the Iraqis, who on the 
technocratic level would like to buy the best stuff on the market - 
in many cases that comes from the US - but politically have to be 
able to say they are refusing to deal with US companies," he said. 

Halliburton, the largest US oil services company, is among a 
significant number of US companies that have sold oil industry 
equipment to Iraq since the UN relaxed sanctions two years ago. 

>From 1995 until August this year Halliburton's chief executive 
officer was Dick Cheney, US secretary of defence during the Gulf war 
and now Republican vice-presidential running mate of George W.Bush. 

>From September 1998 until it sold its stake last February, 
Halliburton owned 51 per cent of Dresser-Rand. It also owned 49 per 
cent of Ingersoll-Dresser Pump, until its sale in December 1999. 
During the time of the joint ventures, Dresser-Rand and Ingersoll-
Dresser Pump submitted more than $23.8m worth of contracts for the 
sale of oil industry parts and equipment to Iraq. Their combined 
total amounted to more than any other US company; the vast majority 
was approved by the sanctions committee. 

Mr Cheney is not the only Washington heavyweight to have been 
affiliated with a company trading with Iraq. John Deutch, a former 
director of the Central Intelligence Agency, is a member of the board 
of Schlumberger, the second largest US oil services company. 

Schlumberger has submitted at least three contracts for well-logging 
equipment and geological software via a French subsidiary, Services 
Petroliers Schlumberger, and through Schlumberger Gulf Services of 
Bahrain. 

Some of the companies, such as General Electric and Dresser-Rand, say 
that not only political considerations shape their decision to do 
business through their European offices. 

"It is customary for GE to do its business for the Middle East out of 
its European offices," says Louise Binns, a GE spokeswoman, who 
acknowledged that GE does business with Iraq. Other companies the FT 
contacted admitted doing business with Iraq, either directly or 
through their subsidiaries. 

US companies that use foreign associates can also reduce the risk of 
their contracts being blocked by France and Russia in retaliation for 
blocks by the US. 

The US is behind nearly all the $289m of contracts delayed by the 
sanctions committee, which has received $1.7bn of contracts. These 
delays were ostensibly intended to prevent transfer to Iraq of dual-
use technology that could be adapted for military purposes. 

"Washington doesn't want to enable the Iraqi economy to recover, 
therefore it keeps the infrastructure very weak," a UN diplomat said. 

However, Iraq is the US's second biggest Middle Eastern oil supplier 
after Saudi Arabia, making Washington uneasily dependent on Iraq's 
steady oil flow. Using this influence as an oil provider, as well as 
the ties it has developed with US business, Iraq has tried to acquire 
lobbying power in the US. 

Despite the US business ties to Iraq, however, fear of official US 
disapproval of contacts with Baghdad has also prompted one US ally - 
Japan - to do its trade through third parties. 

Tomen, the Japanese company supplying industrial transport equipment 
to Iraq, submits its contracts through its French subsidiary, Tomen 
France. 

US companies have themselves been among those which have suffered 
from the US practice of blocking contracts. But they have an edge 
when it comes to arguing for the approval of their contracts, 
diplomats say. 

By temporarily dropping their guise as European companies, they have 
managed to reverse the blocks by going directly to US officials, 
rather than having their case argued by the European mission on 
behalf of their subsidiary. 

At least two US companies have recently managed to reverse 
Washington's objections over their contracts. In an exchange of 
letters between company officials and one UN mission, seen by the FT, 
it became clear the US companies had resolved its case directly with 
Washington. Few non-US companies have been able to exercise similar 
influence. 


Copyright � Financial Times group




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